Difference between revisions of "Broadcasting"

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(The Broadcasting Model)
(Formal Prohibitions/Affordances)
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[[Image:1930-1940.JPG‎|thumb|left|alt=LA Times 1930| Through out the 1930s, the ''Los Angeles Times'' used the iconography of the radio apparatus to mark its listings of programming content, equating the physical radio with the ephemeral broadcast.]]
  
 
The formal probibitions of institutionalized broadcasting were distinct from, but not independent of the legal prohibitions, because "from the beginning radio was recognized as a public resource. There was and is a limited amount of airwave space, and the federal government from the early 1920s on decided to protect this space for citizens" (Hillard 30). The asymmetry in the power structure between the speaking-one and the listening-many greatly influenced how each side of the model could interact with the content. Stations were limited by the reach of their towers and could be stymied by physical hazards. But the stations dictated the length of programming, gradually standardized to quarter-, half-and full hour, and the availability of programming from morning to evening (Wallace 12). Early receivers were constructed by their listeners, thus had the flexibility to be altered at will. By the mid 1920s, receivers became black boxes. "By 1926, there were substantial alterations in receiver design. Technical controls had been simplified down to two knobs (tuning and volume) so that practical know-how was no longer needed" (Spiegel 29). Audiences had no agency for expression or to influence any receiver but their own. They could not mechanically influence the operations of the station, where as the station determined whether the receiver had material to receive. The audience did have agency to shape the flow of programs to suit personal taste. This customization was not expression so much as a choice in participation. The grains of the downfall of the broadcasting model are rooted in this small affordance.
 
The formal probibitions of institutionalized broadcasting were distinct from, but not independent of the legal prohibitions, because "from the beginning radio was recognized as a public resource. There was and is a limited amount of airwave space, and the federal government from the early 1920s on decided to protect this space for citizens" (Hillard 30). The asymmetry in the power structure between the speaking-one and the listening-many greatly influenced how each side of the model could interact with the content. Stations were limited by the reach of their towers and could be stymied by physical hazards. But the stations dictated the length of programming, gradually standardized to quarter-, half-and full hour, and the availability of programming from morning to evening (Wallace 12). Early receivers were constructed by their listeners, thus had the flexibility to be altered at will. By the mid 1920s, receivers became black boxes. "By 1926, there were substantial alterations in receiver design. Technical controls had been simplified down to two knobs (tuning and volume) so that practical know-how was no longer needed" (Spiegel 29). Audiences had no agency for expression or to influence any receiver but their own. They could not mechanically influence the operations of the station, where as the station determined whether the receiver had material to receive. The audience did have agency to shape the flow of programs to suit personal taste. This customization was not expression so much as a choice in participation. The grains of the downfall of the broadcasting model are rooted in this small affordance.

Revision as of 09:30, 26 April 2010

Broadcasting refers to a technical model of content distribution, a business model, and the industry that implements the two. In NBC: America's Network, Michele Hilmes illustrates how the naming of NBC, the National Broadcasting Company, contains the core characteristics that broadcasting would take on in America. "First, national: when RCA announced the formation of its new radio "chain" in 1926, it introduced the first medium that could, through its local stations, connect the scattered and disparate communities of a vast nation simultaneously and address the nation as a whole...Second, broadcasting: this word was coined to denote a new form of communication that emerged in the early 1920s, one that emanated invisibly from a central source and passed with ease though not only physical but social and cultural barriers to reach listeners as private individuals in their homes. More accessible, more exotic (where did that distant station come from?), yet more intimate than any former medium, it created new forms of community and now modes of creative expression. Third, company: In the United States, unlike most of the rest of the world, broadcasting would develop as a primarily private owned enterprise, a business responding to market conditions rather than an organ of the state or a public service institution" (Hilmes 7) "The first practical applications of radio was ship-to-ship and ship-to-shore communications," originally known as wireless. The word broadcast, in the electronic sense of the term, stems from early United States naval reference to the "broadcast" of orders to the fleet (Hillard 3).

Hilmes' analysis concentrates on the American broadcast system: this dossier focuses on the central distribution characteristics of the model: reception over distance, simultaneous consumption by a mass audience, and identical content. This "obvious" modus operandi emerged during a worldwide paradigm shift toward nation stabilization as a result of the horror of World War I and entering World War II on all sides of the ideological spectrum. Mussolini was quoted as saying that without radio he would not have been able to achieve the solidification of and power over the Italian people that he did, and the Fireside Chat over radio is frequently thought of as having vastly strengthened President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s popularity and influence with the American people (Hillard 1).

Broadcasting is a living industry and technical model, but substantial moves away from these key characteristics have effectively rendered the broadcasting mentality dead.

Development

The Broadcasting Model

The non-electronic form of proto-broadcasting is as old as human speech. From the funeral oration of Pericles to Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, any moment of human performance with multiple listeners can be seen as proto-broadcasting, a single origin transmitting media content simultaneously to external recipients. But in this live format, the recipients have agency equal to the speaker to affect the content of the media, i.e. audience members can shout out at a live speech and companions contribute to dialogue.

Electronic broadcasting removes the human sensorium from the direct act of transmission and reception, integrating technical apparatus into the system. The wireless model took on multiple forms in the United States as discussed below, before settling in to the current one in which stations broadcast radio or television singles which can be received by mechanisms dedicated to that purpose. The signal may originate from that station or may be a part of a chain broadcast originating from a further distance with the local station acting as intermediary. Chain broadcasting came to be representing by networks of affiliated stations. “The network concept [is] of a single origination point for programs distributed by wire and radio links to hundreds of stations for national audience consumption” (Wallace 12). The receiver has a dedicated range of frequencies available, and can only be tuned to access one at anytime. The broadcast model does not allow for serial reception of multiple transmissions. The formal qualities of the transmission model were largely duplicated in the industrial infrastructure.

But the shape of this infrastructre was not inevitable. Early experimentation in broadcasting involved both amateurs and professionals, who both sent and received. Many early radio operators formed a community in which feedback was an integral part of the experience. However, the frequency spectrum for broadcast transmissions is limited, and many early transmissions interfered with the clear reception of each other. "Ships' wireless operations lacked standardization. Hams' message traffic clogged the spectrum. Bogus distress calls, faked weather data, and other precursors of Internet mischief proliferated" (Balk 25). In order for both the broadcast mindset and the broadcast industry to succeed, transmissions needed to reach receivers clearly. "the lack of regulations...resulted in chaos over the airwaves, with the new medium virtually choking itself to death. By the mid-1920s it was clear that federal intervention was necessary if radio was to survive" (Hillard 5). A succession of federal regulations--the 1910 Wireless Ship Act, Radio Act of 1912, Radio Act of 1927, Communications Act of 1934--shaped the industry, favoring the more powerful conglomerates such as RCA over the individual, amateur wireless operators. With federal licenses dedicating specific frequencies to specific broadcast stations, the technical format could now function.

This one-to-many distribution model was very attractive to marketers for its efficiency. Advertising agencies and the companies they represented became a major source of income for the burgeoning industry, which continued with the advent of television. "As one FRC commissioner, Harold A. LaFount stated, "Commercialism is the heart of broadcasting in the United States. What has education contributed to radio? not one thing. What has commercialism contributed? Everything --the life blood of the industry" (Hillard 9). This distribution model also changed political messaging. Using radio, “national and state candidates reach more voters directly and almost personally in a few minutes than they could shake hands in a lifetime.” (Wallace 41).

Remediation

The defining characteristics of broadcasting--remote reception of identical content simultaneously and in multiple locations--existed individually or in combination in a variety of mediums long before the first commercial broadcasting experiments. The innovation of broadcasting was to unite them in a single medium.

  • The woodcuts and the printing press produce identical content that could be received a distance from its production, but this technology did not address simultaneous reception.
  • Live theater produces changing content that was only available at its production site and only available to the audience who could fit in the theater.
  • The cinema produces (largely) identical content that could be received a distance from its production, but the unity of time was limited to the audience who could fit in the theater.
  • The telegraph produces content a distance from its production, but with a single receiver did not produce a simultaneous reception by a group.
  • Traditional fine arts (painting and sculpture) produce content rooted in a single location that could be viewed by a grouped audience, depending on size of content.

Institutionalization

With increased regulation and standardization, the formal prohibitions about what each side of the broadcasting model could do fell into place. "From 1922 to 1927 sets in use increased sixteenfold--and radio households some 25-fold, from 260,000 to 6.5 million" (Balk 42) By 1950 about 95% of households had radios. Participation in content creation on the part of the audience was eliminated as radio become conceptualized no longer as a boy's sport, but as "a genteel domestic amusement to be consumed passively by the entire family" (Spigel 29).

Formal Prohibitions/Affordances

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Through out the 1930s, the Los Angeles Times used the iconography of the radio apparatus to mark its listings of programming content, equating the physical radio with the ephemeral broadcast.

The formal probibitions of institutionalized broadcasting were distinct from, but not independent of the legal prohibitions, because "from the beginning radio was recognized as a public resource. There was and is a limited amount of airwave space, and the federal government from the early 1920s on decided to protect this space for citizens" (Hillard 30). The asymmetry in the power structure between the speaking-one and the listening-many greatly influenced how each side of the model could interact with the content. Stations were limited by the reach of their towers and could be stymied by physical hazards. But the stations dictated the length of programming, gradually standardized to quarter-, half-and full hour, and the availability of programming from morning to evening (Wallace 12). Early receivers were constructed by their listeners, thus had the flexibility to be altered at will. By the mid 1920s, receivers became black boxes. "By 1926, there were substantial alterations in receiver design. Technical controls had been simplified down to two knobs (tuning and volume) so that practical know-how was no longer needed" (Spiegel 29). Audiences had no agency for expression or to influence any receiver but their own. They could not mechanically influence the operations of the station, where as the station determined whether the receiver had material to receive. The audience did have agency to shape the flow of programs to suit personal taste. This customization was not expression so much as a choice in participation. The grains of the downfall of the broadcasting model are rooted in this small affordance.

Initially, broadcasting stations sold time rather than programming, making the airwaves available for anyone who could afford it. But this haphazard structure afforded the stations little control over programming flow to maximize listeners, resulting in a paradigm shift from sponsored programming developed by ad agencies to deficit financing of programming by the networks and independent producers. Although Friedrich Kittler suggests that “Broadcasting of weightless material came about for the purpose of the mass transmission of records" this recorded material came to be looked at unfavorably (Kittler 94). "The largest commercial threat to the industry emerged with the widespread production of transcribed, or electronically recorded, programs...Between late 1929 and 1932, several NBC affiliates began rejecting chain offerings in favor of these recorded programs...To counter transcriptions, executives of both chains[NBC and CBS] defined and aggressively promoted live, wireless distributed programming as the only authentic system for national broadcasting" (Socolow 34}. The shift from sponsorship to deficit programming, was also a shift away from liveness. “Storing, erasing, sampling, fast-forwarding, rewinding, editing—inserting tapes into the signal path leading from the microphone to the master disc made manipulation itself possible. Ever since combat reports of Nazi radio, even live broadcasts have not been live.” (Kittler 108). Repetition and syndication became the space for economic success, but these new technical abilities call into question the simultaneity of the broadcast model.

Legal Prohibitions/Affordances

Two regulatory bodies were consecutively established to monitor this public resource. "The FRC [Federal radio Commission] was given the authority to issue station licenses, allocate frequency bands to various radio services (including broadcasting), assign and require individual stations to operate on specific frequencies, and limit power...The FCC [Federal Communications Commission] major areas of control over radio are in issuing licenses and renewals. The FCC allocates the use of spectrum space, determining what frequencies are to go to nonbroadcast as well as broadcast services" (Hillard 8-9). Because the frequency spectrum is limited and the early chaos over the airwaves was undesirable, these legal restrictions impact successful mechanical operation. Additionally, the FCC would occasionally interfere with technical innovation in order to protect the public interest and monetary investment, such as delaying the release of color television until guaranteed that color programming technology would be equally receivable on both color and black-and-white sets.

The FCC also regulated programming standards. "In 1938 the FCC denied an application for a construction permit because the applicant refused to let its facilities be used by persons holding any viewpoint it did not hold" (Hillard 10). "Fairness" and "Public Interest" became two ill-defined and yet influential terms. "The most famous regulatory document, the FCC "Blue Book," was issued in March 1946" (Hillard 14). This document prohibits a range of broadcast content. However, the FCC is largely a retroactive regulatory body rather than a proactive one. Licenses can be revoked and fines issued after inappropriate station action, not before.

Heterogeneous Audiences

In Techniques of the Observer, Jonathan Crary tracks a shift in the observer from representation by the camera obscura—“the observer who is nominally a free sovereign individual and a privatized subject confined in a quasi-domestic space, cut off from a public exterior world”—to representation by the stereoscope—“the decentered observer” who when coupled with an apparatus sees visual representation not “subordinated to an exterior image of the true or the right” (Crary 39, 128, 138). This concept of the visual observer was applied to the listener as well in the late 1900s. Lisa Gitelman explains, "Thus was the phonograph oddly considered a “witness” even though it is not an optical device" (Gitelman 87). Broadcasting, both audio and televisual, altered the observer yet again.

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Thus Argus lies a victim, cold and pale,
And thus all hundred of his eyes, with all their light,
Are closed at once in one perpetual night.
These Juno takes, that they no more may fail,
And spreads them in her peacock's gaudy tail.
-- Ovid, Metamorphosis

NBC adopted the peacock as its logo in 1956.

This new observer remediated the quasi-domestic space of the earlier as well as the subjective representation of the later. But rather than mono-optic or bi-optic, this new mass audience was now Argus Panoptes, the many-eyed monster of myth. This collective experience began with the listeners watching the phonograph, as portrayed in the advertisements of the 1890s to the 1920s. "Listeners stare vacantly at unseen and newly reracialized performers, as if by some collective premonition, keeping their gaze steady for radio then television. The gaze itself is oddly communal, fraught with unlikely assumptions about the democratic power of mass media even as it dampens participation” (Gitelman 137). But the communal cultural experience of the 20th century was no lingered rooted in proximity as was that of the 19th. A 1923 commentary on radio broadcasts marks this change. “Station WGY has reversed Shakespeare's portrayal that "all the world's a stage." Broadcasting of drama through the ether is making all the world the audience and the radio studio the stage." The individual observer becomes part of a geographically dispersed reception crowd.“The mass-produced sound storage medium only needed mass-produced communication and recording media to gain global ascendancy“ (Kittler 94).

Pops and Hisses

But the heterogeneous nature of taste creates cracks in the broadcasting model, and the privatized competition implicit in the American industry resulted in choice for the audience. The broadcast model depends on a single central figure, the station, sending out content to multiple receivers, the audience. This model is immediately problemitized once choice enters the system, empowering the audience.

Encoding/Decoding

Narrowcasting and Transition

“Like language itself, there is some level at which media help “wire” people for the thinking they do.” P150 Gitelman


"If, as some have argued, the emergence of modern mass media spelled the doom for the vital folk traditions that thrived in nineteenth-century America, the current moment of media change is reaffirming the right of everyday people to actively contribute to their culture. (jenkins 136)

Distinction between interactivity and participation

References

  • Balk, Alfred. The Rise of Radio, from Marconi through the Golden Age. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 2006.
  • Crary, Jonathan. Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1990.
  • Gitelman, Lisa. Scripts, Grooves, and Writing Machines: Representing Technology in the Edison Era. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999.
  • Hilliard, Robert L. "History and Regulation." Ed. Robert L. Hillard. Radio Broadcasting: An Introduction to the Sound Medium. New York: Longman Inc., 1985.
  • Hilmes, Michele. "NBC and the Network Idea: Defining the "American System." Ed. Michele Hilmes. NBC: America's Network. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press, 2007.
  • Kittler, Friedrich A. Gramophone, Film, Typewriter. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999.
  • Socolow, Michael J. ""Always in Friendly Competition": NBC and CBS in the First Decade of National Broadcasting." Ed. Michele Hilmes. NBC: America's Network. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press, 2007.
  • Spiegel, Lynn. Make Room for TV: Television and the Family Ideal in Postwar America. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992.
  • Wallace, Wesley H. "Growth, Organization, and Impact" Ed. Robert L. Hilliard. Understanding Television: An Introduction to Broadcasting. New York: Hastings House, Publishers, 1964.