http://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/api.php?action=feedcontributions&user=Samhan&feedformat=atomDead Media Archive - User contributions [en]2024-03-29T10:05:04ZUser contributionsMediaWiki 1.25.2http://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Spirit_Duplicator&diff=4885Spirit Duplicator2008-04-30T20:04:59Z<p>Samhan: /* Notion of ''Spirit'' */</p>
<hr />
<div>'''Spirit Duplicator''', or direct fluid duplicator, is a form of hectography that evolved from the gelatin hectograph, which uses a gelatin pad. A spirit duplicator is called a fluid hectograph because it uses ''spirits'', or alcohol, to make its duplications: "Spirit duplicators (so-called because of the alcohol) were in use by the late 1920s" (Rhodes 144). The maximum practical number of copies is 500 with the maximum size of 11 in x 17 in. (Doss 2). "The usual run on these machines is up to 300 copies, but may vary according to the amount of solvent used and the transfer capacity of the master" (Fisher 34).[[Image:gelatinduplicator.jpg|thumb|right|(Fisher 33)]] <br />
<br />
<br />
=Hectograph=<br />
[[Image:Beck.jpg|thumb|right]]<br />
The spirit duplicator was an improvement to the gelatin hectograph process: "the gelatin pad was replaced by a waxed- paper master sheet, and the liquid ink was replaced by a form of carbon paper, which made distinctively purple impressions "on the master" (Owen 47).<br />
<br />
<br />
=Process of Duplication=<br />
"The fluid process of hectography is employed when up to about 500 copes are needed. In this process the master is prepared in reverse by placing the hectograph carbon face up on the back of the master. To make copies, the master is placed on the drum or cylinder with the inked side up. Rotation of the drum causes a sheet of paper to be moistened with alcohol it is the pressed against the master, thus transferring a small amount of the dye to the paper" (Doss 17).<br />
<br />
Unlike the gelatin hectograph, the "fluid or "spirit" process of duplicating omits use of the gelatin blanket. Copy is typed with the hectograph carbon sheet behind the master, and the aniline dye- treated carbon appears in mirror image on the reverse side of the master. This master is placed on a drum of the rotary duplicating machine. The blank copy paper is slightly moistened by spirit solvent as it is fed through the machine and picks up enough of the aniline dye as it presses against the revolving master to form a sharp image of the typed characters." (Fisher 33-34).<br />
<br />
[[Image:RapidCopying.jpg|thumb|left|"This machine printed from a "master" created in the same manner in which hectographic master sheets for spirit duplicators were made, but considerably before their introduction" (Rhodes and Streeter 109).]]<br />
<br />
<br />
==Spirit Masters==<br />
"In principle spirit duplicating (or hectography) is a process whereby the text is typed or written with the aid of an alcohol soluble dye-carbon which is transferred to the paper in a number of copies" (Gardiner 77). In order to duplicate documents, it was necessary to first copy them onto the appropriate spirit master. "A master is any original from which copies may be physically duplicated" (Fisher 33). "Masters should be made on hectograph master paper, and copies should be made on hectograph paper stock to get the best results" (Doss 16). Masters can be made by typing, printing, writing, drawing, or stamping" (Fisher 33).<br />
<br />
<br />
==Machine Types==<br />
The spirit duplicator is essentially divided into three types: <br />
* hand operated portable machines<br />
* electrically operated machines<br />
* electrically operated systems or line selecting machines<br />
<br />
<br />
==Brands== <br />
[[Image:ABDick.jpg|thumb|right]]<br />
Some manufacturers of spirit duplicators include:<br />
*A. B. Dick<br />
*Banda<br />
*Ditto<br />
*Standard<br />
<br />
<br />
[[Image:Ditto.jpg|thumb|left]]<br />
===Costs===<br />
The cost of the machine was relatively high in price. "Their main drawback was a substantially higher initial cost" (Rhodes 145). The Ditto Liquid Duplicator went for $200 for a hand- cranked model and $265 for an electric machine (in today's prices $2,256 to $2989) (Rhodes 145).<br />
<br />
<br />
=Ditto=<br />
Ditto: The trademark name of a line of hectographic duplicators and supplies manufactured by Ditto, Inc." (Doss 29).<br />
<br />
The spirit duplicator is sometimes referred to as a Ditto machine because for "rotary spirit duplicators, the best known of which were produced by the Ditto Co." (Owen 47). <br />
<br />
The term Ditto evokes the memory to the saying "Ditto" meaning copy. Furthermore, there is the Ditto marks, which are still used today.<br />
<br />
<br />
=Spirit=<br />
"The "spirit" in that name refers to methyl alcohol, a small amount of which was applied to each sheet of copy paper as it entered the machine, dampening it just enough to dissolve a bit of the waxy purple ink from the master, which was attached to a rotating drum" (Owen). The spirit was used because "instead of water to dissolve a small part of the ink, a special "spirit" solvent is used to accomplish the transfer of an aniline dye" (Fisher 33).<br />
<br />
<br />
==Smell==<br />
The spirit duplicator posesses a distinctive scent that lingers a bit even when the ink is dried. "Duplicating fluids often contain very high menthanol concentrations. Given the lack of sufficient ventilation typically found in schools, spirit duplicator use can be a significant source of indoor air pollution. Because of the toxicity of methanol, it is of value to asses the extent of exposure among school workers" (Susi). One author commented that "the alcohol gave the copies a characteristically terrible smell, adored by schoolchildren of my generation" (Owen 47).<br />
<br />
<br />
==Color==<br />
Most copies were typically purple. Although for the gelatin process "At least eight colors are available but purple is generally used because of its density and contrast" (Doss 15), the direct fluid method had less options since "dye colors may be red, blue, green, black or purple; longest runs are generally achieved by using the purple" (Fisher 34).<br />
There is possibility for multicolored copies: "all five colors may be reproduced on the same run, since different carbons may be used for different parts of the master" (Fisher 34).<br />
<br />
"In general, [the spirit duplicator] produces a darker copy than the [gelatin hectograph] because the moistened fibers of the paper are dyed by the transfer of the ink in the fluid process, whereas in the gelatin process the dye is deposited on the surface of the paper. This factor increases the legibility and permanence of the reproduced material when the fluid process is used" (Fisher 34).<br />
<br />
<br />
=Settings=<br />
The spirit duplicator was typical equipment in offices and schools. They were appropriate for producing a relatively small number of copies. Rhodes writes "they are still in use, especially in academic and school settings, for newsletters, memoranda, and other communications requiring a small- to- medium number of copies" (Rhodes 145). "Spirit duplicators are commonly used by teachers and teaching assistants for school copying needs" (Susi). Spirit duplicated copies were used in universities as well. At King's College, Cambridge "David Wilcock's famous carol arrangements first made their appearance on purple spirit- duplicator sheets in 1959" (Harper). <br />
<br />
<br />
=Notion of ''Spirit''=<br />
The spirit is the essence of the duplication process. In early photography, it was believed that one's spirit was captured by the flash. <br />
<br />
But in philosophical and theological debates, Spirit is always discussed with a specificity of impersonality, whereas the notion of "soul" is seen as the individualized, "eternal" form of the human individual. Undoubtedly, the mystique of the duplicator's chemical process rendered a specific philosophical/theological tension surrounding the very Western, modern view of essence. Though today the debates around essentialism are hackneyed, especially in the wake of queer studies in particular, which has launched the concept of performativity (rightfully so) as a proper corrective to the whole essence/existence separation that was most visibly propagated by Sartre. However, whereas Butler's famous dictum that all sexualities are "copies without originals" suggests that there is no spirit to duplicate, the motif of "duplication of spirit" seems to leave us still within a quandary of original vs. copy or essence vs. existence, as it seems to suggest a metaphysical or immaterial transmission of an essence, in this case the "content" of the hectograph, and subsequently the copies. So is the "essence" spirit or soul? If so, is it, or can it be, material, must it be immaterial?<br />
<br />
By the writings of Thomas Aquinas in the 13th century, the “soul” was understood in Aristotelian-Platonic terms. As Aquinas writes in the first volume of the Summa Theologiae, “Now a living body is not alive simply in virtue of being a body (otherwise all bodies would be living); it is alive because of some other principle, in our case, the soul” (Aquinas, 73). Now this clearly seems like, and also has been interpreted throughout the history of philosophy and theology as, the continuation of a separation between body and soul, even though Aquinas explains that they are constitutively linked in the nature of the human. But it seems that this is not necessarily the case throughout his master work. In Aquinas, there are portions which would suggest that there is in fact not a the soul is not delinked from the corporeal. "Knowledge of things that exist in the first way," he writes, "is connatural to us, for the human soul, through which we know, is itself the form of some matter" (Ibid., 175). Though he goes on to describe another form of knowledge that is "not in matter," nevertheless, in the typology of knowledge that Aquinas provides, there is room for a bringing-together conceptually of matter and soul.<br />
<br />
In fact, the notion of Spirit, in a Christian theological context, is often paired with that of matter. One interesting articulator of this precise problem is Teilhard de Chardin, who in The Phenomenon of Man attempts a line of solution. Primarily, he uses a different language than Aquinas. It is not so much informed by Plato and Aristotle but by Bergson and evolutionary paleontology. He uses such words as "Omega Point," "The Within of Things," "The Without of Things," and "Stuff of the Universe." To avoid a dualism of matter and spirit, he posits what he calls "spiritual energy" which can be broken down into two different energies--tangential and radial, both of which he insists is physical (Teilhard, 64).Spiritual energy is often paired with what Teilhard refers to as the "consciousness of particles in the universe" (Ibid., 89), that is to say, that particles that can act in accordance with one another for greater complexity, thus the reorganization of matter. He writes: "The increase of the synthetic state of matter involves, we said, an increase of consciousness for the milieu synthesized. To which we should now add: critical change in the intimate arrangement of the elements induces ipso facto a change in the nature of the state of consciousness of the particles of the universe" (Teilhard, 89). Hence in this schema, though perhaps too far reaching in breadth, spirit and matter are co-constitutive and interimplicated.<br />
<br />
=Xerox=<br />
The spirit duplicator is eventually replaced by the Xerox machine. In 1959, Chester Carlson developed xerography with the Xerox 914. It was the first paper photocopier. This copying process was less troublesome to complete than the spirit duplicator because it did not need the extra step of creating a spirit master.<br />
<br />
<br />
=Works Cited=<br />
*Curwen, Harold. ''Processes of Graphic Reproduction in Printing''. London: Faber and Faber, 1963.<br />
*Doss, Milburn P. (Ed). ''Information Processing Equipment''. New York: Reinhold Publishing Corporation, 1955.<br />
*Fisher, Harrison M. ''Today's Business Machines''. Chicago: American Technical Society, 1959<br />
*Gardiner, A. W. ''Typewriting and Office Duplicating Processes''. New York: Focal Press, 1968.<br />
*hectograph. (2007). In Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved October 30, 2007 from Encyclopædia Britannica Online: http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9039781<br />
*Owen, David. ''Copies in seconds : how a lone inventor and an unknown company created the biggest communication breakthrough since Gutenberg: Chester Carlson and the birth of the Xerox machine''. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004.<br />
*Rhodes, Barbara J. and Streeter, William W. ''Before Photocopying: The Art and History of Mechanical Copying, 1780-1938: A book in two parts''. New Castle and Northampton: Oak Knoll Press and Heraldry Bindery, 1999.<br />
*Schwartz, Hillel. ''The Culture of the Copy: Striking Likenesses, Unreasonable Facsimiles''. New York: Zone Books, 1996.<br />
*Susi, P., Flynn, M., and Curran, P. Methanol exposure among school workers during spirit duplicator use. ''Applied Occupational & Environmental Hygiene'' [APPL. OCCUP. ENVIRON. MED.]. Vol. 11, no. 11, pp. 1340-1345. Nov 1996</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Skeuomorph,_or_the_%22click%22&diff=4751Skeuomorph, or the "click"2008-04-23T04:31:20Z<p>Samhan: /* Skeuomorph or “the click” */</p>
<hr />
<div>Single-lens reflex (SLR) cameras make a clicking sound when taking a picture. The click results from a mechanical operation: an internal mirror moves aside and the shutter opens, exposing the film to light. Many of today's digital cameras have no shutter and no internal mirror, yet they still simulate the click using a digital audio sample. Why? Research Question: What qualities of the artifact are unnecessary at the material level but are still nevertheless necessary at the semiotic level? Where is the "click"?<br />
<br />
Alongside the audio click, there is also a visual click. On digital cameras, the flapping of the shutter that exists in SLR cameras is recreated through an instantaneous black-out of the screen. This is also not necessary on the material level; that is, for the process by which camera captures an image. Even if the shutter sound and visual representation did not exist, the image would be captured. But, indeed, if those skeuomorphs did not exist, would there be a negative effect on the image? In other words, would the photographer have a difficult time “taking a good picture” (as fraught with aesthetic problems as that is). Is there then, not only a semiotic level of the skeuomorph, but something along the lines of a photographic (or artistic) level? In other words, I am suggesting that materially inessential feature of a technology be co-opted into a necessity for artistic and political reasons. <br />
<br />
In terms of photography (meaning: the art not necessarily the medium, though this distinction is highly problematic), anyone who handles a SLR camera for the first time knows the difficulty of figuring out the crucial “shutter speed function.” When the novice photographer mistakenly sets the shutter speed for too long, he or she presses the exposure button and then moves the camera, as if the photograph has already been taken, only to hear the delayed “click” of the shutter. And, this mistake is later affirmed when he or she develops the film, the photograph is quite blurry and full of indistinguishable lines. Hence, from the perspective of the art of photography, the “click” is indeed a semiotic skeuomorph that serves an artistic function. <br />
<br />
The skeuomorph can also be co-opted by extra-artistic forces, most especially legal ones. Let us continue with the example of the “click” of the shutter sound in digital cameras, especially in camera phones. On the surface, it seems that the shutter sound on the camera phone is a skeuomorph par excellence. However, it seems that in East Asia at least, the purely decorative “click” has been turned into a security measure. As John Mello for the Boston Globe reports, the click becomes a security measure, allowing for people to be made aware of someone taking a photograph of them with their camera (Boston Globe 2004). In Japan and South Korea, the shutter sound was made legally mandatory on all cellular devices with cameras to prevent the potential plethora of “upskirt” images on the Web and also to combat cases of corporate spying through camera phones. Is this still a skeuomorph, when the click is no longer merely decorative?<br />
<br />
==References==<br />
"CAMERA PHONES A FLASHPOINT OF CONCERN" The Boston Globe, April 11, 2004.</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Skeuomorph,_or_the_%22click%22&diff=4750Skeuomorph, or the "click"2008-04-23T04:31:07Z<p>Samhan: </p>
<hr />
<div>==Skeuomorph or “the click”== <br />
<br />
Single-lens reflex (SLR) cameras make a clicking sound when taking a picture. The click results from a mechanical operation: an internal mirror moves aside and the shutter opens, exposing the film to light. Many of today's digital cameras have no shutter and no internal mirror, yet they still simulate the click using a digital audio sample. Why? Research Question: What qualities of the artifact are unnecessary at the material level but are still nevertheless necessary at the semiotic level? Where is the "click"?<br />
<br />
Alongside the audio click, there is also a visual click. On digital cameras, the flapping of the shutter that exists in SLR cameras is recreated through an instantaneous black-out of the screen. This is also not necessary on the material level; that is, for the process by which camera captures an image. Even if the shutter sound and visual representation did not exist, the image would be captured. But, indeed, if those skeuomorphs did not exist, would there be a negative effect on the image? In other words, would the photographer have a difficult time “taking a good picture” (as fraught with aesthetic problems as that is). Is there then, not only a semiotic level of the skeuomorph, but something along the lines of a photographic (or artistic) level? In other words, I am suggesting that materially inessential feature of a technology be co-opted into a necessity for artistic and political reasons. <br />
<br />
In terms of photography (meaning: the art not necessarily the medium, though this distinction is highly problematic), anyone who handles a SLR camera for the first time knows the difficulty of figuring out the crucial “shutter speed function.” When the novice photographer mistakenly sets the shutter speed for too long, he or she presses the exposure button and then moves the camera, as if the photograph has already been taken, only to hear the delayed “click” of the shutter. And, this mistake is later affirmed when he or she develops the film, the photograph is quite blurry and full of indistinguishable lines. Hence, from the perspective of the art of photography, the “click” is indeed a semiotic skeuomorph that serves an artistic function. <br />
<br />
The skeuomorph can also be co-opted by extra-artistic forces, most especially legal ones. Let us continue with the example of the “click” of the shutter sound in digital cameras, especially in camera phones. On the surface, it seems that the shutter sound on the camera phone is a skeuomorph par excellence. However, it seems that in East Asia at least, the purely decorative “click” has been turned into a security measure. As John Mello for the Boston Globe reports, the click becomes a security measure, allowing for people to be made aware of someone taking a photograph of them with their camera (Boston Globe 2004). In Japan and South Korea, the shutter sound was made legally mandatory on all cellular devices with cameras to prevent the potential plethora of “upskirt” images on the Web and also to combat cases of corporate spying through camera phones. Is this still a skeuomorph, when the click is no longer merely decorative? <br />
<br />
==References==<br />
"CAMERA PHONES A FLASHPOINT OF CONCERN" The Boston Globe, April 11, 2004.</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Main_Page&diff=4728Main Page2008-04-22T14:56:52Z<p>Samhan: /* Critical Techniques */</p>
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<div>'''Media Archaeology'''<br />
<br />
[http://cultureandcommunication.org/galloway/2008spr-MediaArchaeology.html Media Archaeology course syllabus] (Spring 2008)<br />
<br />
Over the last decade or so, scholars in several disciplines have embarked on a series of media-archaeological excavations, sifting through the layers of early and obsolete practices and technologies of communication. The archaeological metaphor evokes both the desire to recover material traces of the past and the imperative to situate those traces in their social, cultural, and political contexts--while always watching our steps. This graduate seminar will examine some of the most important contributions to the field of media archaeology.<br />
<br />
The course follows a research studio format in which students undertake archaeological projects of their own in the area of forgotten, obsolete, or otherwise "dead" media technologies. This might include papyrus, Athanasius Kircher's seventeenth-century magic lantern, or the common slide projector, discontinued by Kodak in 2004. Our goal is to introduce students to the skills and resources necessary for producing rigorous research on such obsolete and obscure media. It will include an exposure to scholarship in media archaeology; an intensive introduction to research methods; instruction on the localization and utilization of word, image, and sound archives; and an emphasis on restoring media artifacts to their proper social and cultural context. The course stems from the premise that media archaeology is best undertaken, like any archaeological project, collaboratively. Hence the course follows a research studio model commonly used in disciplines such as architecture or design.<br />
<br />
= Dead Media Dossiers = <br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="0" cellspacing="20"<br />
<br />
<br />
||<br />
<br />
[[3D Television]]<br />
<br />
[[8-track Tape]]<br />
<br />
[[Autopen]]<br />
<br />
[[Camera Lucida]]<br />
<br />
[[Camera Obscura]]<br />
<br />
[[Chirograph (Cyrograph)]]<br />
<br />
[[Civil Defense Siren]]<br />
<br />
[[Credit Card Imprinter]]<br />
<br />
[[Daguerreotype]]<br />
<br />
[[Discipline]]<br />
<br />
[[Data Visualization and Defunct Visual Metaphors]]<br />
<br />
[[Ear Trumpet]]<br />
<br />
[[Electric Pen]]<br />
<br />
[[Experiential Typewriter]]<br />
<br />
[[Glass Harmonica]]<br />
<br />
[[Hierarchy]]<br />
<br />
[[Hollerith Punch Card]]<br />
<br />
[[Homing Pigeons]]<br />
<br />
[[Hotel Annunciator]]<br />
<br />
<br />
||<br />
<br />
[[Kinora]]<br />
<br />
[[Magic Lantern]]<br />
<br />
[[Marine Chronometer]]<br />
<br />
[[The Market]]<br />
<br />
[[Medieval Mariner's Compass]]<br />
<br />
[[Mechanical Television]]<br />
<br />
[[Megalethoscope]]<br />
<br />
[[MiniDisc]]<br />
<br />
[[Minitel]]<br />
<br />
[[Movable Type]]<br />
<br />
[[Mystical Writing Pad]]<br />
<br />
[[Nansen Passport]]<br />
<br />
[[Newspaper via Radio Facsimile]]<br />
<br />
[[NeXT Step]]<br />
<br />
[[Notificator]]<br />
<br />
[[Panorama]]<br />
<br />
[[Peruvian Quipu]]<br />
<br />
[[Phonograph Doll]]<br />
<br />
||<br />
<br />
[[Photographic Gun]]<br />
<br />
[[Player Piano]]<br />
<br />
[[Pneumatic Tubes]]<br />
<br />
[[Political Effigies]]<br />
<br />
[[Roentgen Ray Tube]]<br />
<br />
[[Semaphore Telegraph]]<br />
<br />
[[Shorthand]]<br />
<br />
[[Smell Organ]]<br />
<br />
[[Spirit Duplicator]]<br />
<br />
[[Standardization]]<br />
<br />
[[Steenbeck]]<br />
<br />
[[Stereoscope]]<br />
<br />
[[Talking Book]]<br />
<br />
[[Telautograph]]<br />
<br />
[[Telharmonium]]<br />
<br />
[[Typewriter]]<br />
<br />
[[The Victrola]]<br />
<br />
[[Wax Cylinder]]<br />
<br />
[[Zuse palimpsest]]<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
= Research Methods =<br />
<br />
[[Media:Research_methods.pdf|Guidelines on Research Methods]] (PDF)<br />
<br />
= Critical Techniques =<br />
<br />
As a group we are developing a series of techniques that help facilitate the analysis of dead media artifacts. These questions are provisional and may not be appropriate for all artifacts. They are meant as tools for critical exploration. <br />
<br />
* "[[Pops and hisses]]" -- Pops and hisses refers to the background noise often heard on phonograph recordings resulting from inconsistencies in the underlying material. Research Question: What are the unavoidable, obtrusive material qualities of the substrate itself that enter into the medium's overall system of representation? <br />
<br />
* [[Skeuomorph, or the "click"]] -- Single-lens reflex (SLR) cameras make a clicking sound when taking a picture. The click results from a mechanical operation: an internal mirror moves aside and the shutter opens, exposing the film to light. Many of today's digital cameras have no shutter and no internal mirror, yet they still simulate the click using a digital audio sample. Why? Research Question: What qualities of the artifact are unnecessary at the material level but are still nevertheless necessary at the semiotic level? Where is the "click"? <br />
<br />
* Remediation -- Like the "click," remediation refers to the process through which older media formats are simulated, extended, coopted, modified, tamed, or rendered obsolete by new media formats. Research Questions: What came before this artifact? What newer medium came after? What traits are lost or preserved in the historical transformation from one system to another? <br />
<br />
* "Functional nonsense" -- Functional nonsense refers to actual material qualities of the medium that are necessary for the medium to function correctly but which have no semantic or semiotic purpose. A good illustration is the [[Chirograph (Cyrograph)|chirograph]] which requires that some word -- by custom it was often the word "chirograph" -- be inscribed across the midsection of a document. The word is then cut in half, certifying and authenticating the two pieces. The word "chirograph" is therefore highly functional, but semantically irrelevant. Research Question: What qualities of the artifact are unnecessary at the semiotic or semantic level but are nevertheless crucial to its functioning correctly?<br />
<br />
* Encoding -- Research Question: What symbolic system is used in the medium to encode and decode messages? <br />
<br />
* Digital versus analog -- Research Questions: What parts of the artifact conform to a model of representation using discrete sample points, and what parts use a continuously variable input? Are the two hybridized and if so how? <br />
<br />
* The "obvious" -- In every medium there are techniques and design conventions that result from the prevalent tendencies of the historical situation. For example, the problem of writing and reproduction in the modern period was "solved" using mechanical levers, metal type, presses and inks, while the problem of writing and reproduction in the late twentieth century was solved using an entirely different set of techniques: digital code, microchips, and LCDs. Research Question: What aspects of the medium result from large scale paradigms appropriate to the historical context? <br />
<br />
* The "arbitrary" -- Every medium also contains entirely unmotivated and unexplainable traits. Western writing runs left to right, top to bottom. But this convention is arbitrary. Research Question: What specific aspects of the medium have no material or semiotic reason for being? <br />
<br />
* Formal prohibitions/affordances -- Communications media often put clear limitations on where and how messages can originate and be received. Radio began as a two-way medium, but evolved into a broadcast medium. Research Questions: Who can read in this medium? Who can write in this medium? Is there an asymmetrical relationship between those who can send and those who can receive?<br />
<br />
* the "Hack" -- Given a set of formal prohibitions, do there exist alternate practices of use that change the intended outcome of the medium? [TODO: add to this -- mention improvisation, play.]<br />
<br />
* the "Cake Mix" effect -- Research Questions: What part of the process is streamlined, mechanized, or determined in advance, and what part of the process must be performed by the user? [TODO: add to this] <br />
<br />
* The "Reversal" -- Is there a point where maximum efficiency within a medium forces it into obsolescence? Mapmaking was ridden with errors due to difficulties in measuring longitude, but once the Marine Chronometer made it possible to plot the exact coordinates of a given position in space, and the grid mapped upon geographic representations was perfected, it was no longer necessary to use a map for navigation since a course could be plotted without any geographic references. (Additional question/theory: Is a "sampling" medium capable of reversal, or is it only threatened by upgraded mediums that are more efficient? Is the Reversal only possible in a "programming" scenario?)<br />
<br />
* The "Break Boundary" -- Research Questions: Is there a point beyond which "the system generated by the artifact suddenly changes into another or passes some point of no return in its dynamic processes?" Or what specific reconfigurations in the spatio-temporal framework surrounding the media environment of the artifact might "break" the dynamics which it was attended to address? [DO OTHERS AGREE THIS IS WORTH ADDRESSING? a suggestion via McLuhan that might be worth talking about - perhaps an attribute that doesn't apply to the material framework of the object, but maybe one that is crucial in establishing the artifact's relevance and obsolescence?]<br />
<br />
* "Bad Weather" (non-diegetic influences?) -- The [[Semaphore Telegraph]] was unable to operate in fog. External inputs often influence the proper functioning of media. Research Questions: What external events exist that might cause the medium to operate in flawed or unexpected ways? Does the medium try to shield itself from the outside world? If so, how does this change the format in question?<br />
<br />
* "Guts" -- Some dead media, like the [[NeXT Step]], hide their internal guts inside a black box. Others like the [[Kinora]] expose their inner workings for all to see. The way in which a media object alternately reveals or hides its insides greatly influences how it is understood, used, and analyzed. Research Questions: Does the medium in question hide or reveal its own internal functioning? If the guts are displayed, does this "technologize" the medium or change it in other ways? If the guts are hidden, does this reify or fetishize the object in question?<br />
<br />
* "Iris vs. Hermes" -- Most media can be charted on a continuum between Iris and Hermes. Both Iris and Hermes were Greek gods of communication; Iris was a messenger for Hera, and Hermes for Zeus. Yet while Hermes facilitated communication by accompanying messages, guiding trade, appearing alongside travelers and otherwise chaperoning interconnections between people, Iris relayed messages by immanently internalizing them in the physically of her own body. For Iris, the medium is the message. Hermes however was more of a letter carrier, keeping the outer envelop distinct from the inner content of the message. Research Questions: Does the medium maintain a separation between the symbolic layer of the medium and the material substrate? Or does the physicality of the medium itself mean something without recourse to surface inscriptions?<br />
<br />
* "The Sample vs. the Program" (Witnessing vs Interpreting / Feeling vs Perceiving) -- Some media can be inscribed by simply being turned on and allowed to feel, or sample the content they remediate - yet other media generate complete nonsense unless a highly specialized and refined language code or aesthetic has been mastered and applied in the process of inscription. In essence, a sample is a mode of inscription that appropriates content with minimal analysis, and one that often manages to capture elements a user may or may not notice (ie noise with the phonograph). Whereas image creation through painting, engraving and print making all relied upon heavily developed aesthetics in order to approximate the real (perspective, impressionism, cubism) the photograph enabled one to appropriate an image without any knowledge of such highly specialized disciplines and schools. A sampling medium, such as a rector graphics system, the dictaphone, the camera, or film, is capable of inscribing information that the user may or may not understand, resulting in a mode of inscription that can often bear witness to qualities unnoticed by the user. A program, on the other hand requires intense analysis in order to function properly. Conventional sheet music, like computer programs, vector graphics systems, and writing itself, contain a highly developed systems of inscription which demand a great deal of training in order to achieve intelligible and desired ends. The program is inevitably a symbolic form of inscription that is, in itself, legible by the trained user, yet inherently unable to capture traditional noise from external inputs. When one programs and designs a 3d animation, what is displayed is a direct result of the programming which allows the image to be generated - in contrast, film often registers qualities which filmmakers attribute to accidents and improvisations that lie outside of deliberate inscriptions. Programs document perceptions, while Samples are unprocessed and raw material that is sensed, or "felt" by the system of inscription. In addition, the raw material of a sample generally acquires more information (and in the case of a graphics system requires more memory), yet the processed and reduced content of a Program, while using up less memory generally requires more time/energy/processing in order to decode and display/generate the inscribed content. Questions: Does the medium demand a great deal of analysis before the act of inscription, or does it appropriate material that can be processed and interpreted later? Does the noise of the medium illustrate a condition external to the user's actions (ie background noise) or does the noise illustrate imperfect execution of a symbolic system (misspellings, syntactical errors, grammatical nonsense, freudian slips etc.)? Does the medium demand a complex understanding of the given content (embodying an informational cultural bias) or does it appear to witness with an inhuman objectivity?<br />
<br />
= Background =<br />
<br />
Some entries in the archive are drawn from the [http://www.deadmedia.org Dead Media Project], an email list devoted to the topic started by [http://www.well.com/conf/mirrorshades Bruce Sterling] and more recently moderated by Tom Jennings. The email list is now dead.<br />
<br />
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[[:Special:Imagelist|All Uploaded Files]]</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=The_Market&diff=4675The Market2008-04-16T19:28:32Z<p>Samhan: /* The Market as Interface of Digital and Analog */</p>
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<div>[[Image:Shopping Cart.jpg]]<br />
<br />
In this dossier's engagement with the intersection of the built and mediated environment, we interpret Marshall McLuhan's argument that the remediation process whereby one medium survives as the content of another is the preservation of a distinct ''function'' in the midst of informatic and material transformation. This is not to suggest any predetermined trajectory of cultural obsolescence whereby a pre-existing function is stripped of cultural obstacles in its way, but rather to note that, ''in hindsight, content's transformative mechanism of appropriation enables us to examine behavioral systems, and the environment that housed them, as dead media,'' and that such dead media provide insights into a story of the concentration and distillation of culture into the symbolic content of later media which house cultural remains. <br />
<br />
Within the larger discussion of critical techniques this Archive attempts to employ, this dossier might also best be understood as an attempt to bridge our understanding of the isolation of <br />
medium from message (in the Hermes model) with our understanding of the communicative properties of materials which exhibit no such fragmentation (in the Iris model), as well as the rhizomatic, independent, message function that, in its ubiquitous employabilty, conforms to no specific medium (the Furies model). Far from suggesting an evolutionary hierarchy towards the immaterial, the market may, however, provide deeper insights into our understanding of the remediating processes at work in each of the three. <br />
<br />
We trace the process whereby the concentration of trading behavior and its eventual standardization was enabled by its enclosure in the space of the market, and the processes whereby this concentration separated market activity from a distinct built environment, isolating a function which is non-physical and anticipates the remediation of the market in the scripting content of immaterial spaces. Although we make no attempt to argue that physical market sites no longer exist, we do attempt to expose the informatic and material shifts that have obsolesced such physical environments, rendering the built environments that remain stages which serve a social function that is, in itself, a commodity. We identify the legacy of this fragmentation in the built environment and in the spaces which now bear witness to the market function in unexpected forms, yet we hope that future contributions will enrich and complicate the conceptual and mediatic transformations that accompanied the resurrection of symbolism in architecture.<br />
<br />
[[Image:Colourful shopping carts.jpg|thumb|right| What was once a spatial locality with a distinct form and use is now pure function with no distinct materiality]] [[Image:TUR1491SpiceBazaar.jpg]] <br />
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=The History of Exchange= <br />
<br />
<br />
==The Market in Capitalism==<br />
<br />
===What is a market?===<br />
Is there such thing as a "pre-capitalist" market? To posit a pre-“anything” is to argue an implicit periodization of a concept. And undoubtedly, to suggest that there was a mode of representation or media such as “the market” so entrenched within the cultural values and practices of capitalism that preceded it, would also then require some explaining. Thankfully, in this task, we follow historian Fernand Braudel, who has undertaken massive volumes of study in this area. The trajectory of Braudel’s project, in line with his Annales colleagues more generally, is to provide a historiography of capitalism does not reify the very object of analysis—the ever-expanding, seemingly amoebic process called capitalism, which Marx himself referred to as comparable to “queer things abounding.” The danger would be to overlook how the market embodies the shifting historic-economic transition from merchant to industrial to finance capitalism. <br />
<br />
With respect to Marx and the present study at hand, it could be argued that Marx dealt the strongest blow the concept of the market as a fixed, spatial location of exchange; so why even proceed? Well, indeed, “the market” as a spatial category very much plays a large part in various spheres of life, most pressingly the cultural, social and political. Moreover, many scholars, Frederic Jameson most famously, have even suggested that the economic has fallen to the level of culture (See Jameson). In such arguments, there is an assumed de-differentiation of previously separate spheres. The guiding question in this section will be (roughly): How did the market become differentiated in the first place?<br />
<br />
===Braudel's Typology===<br />
1.All of types of exchange that go beyond self-sufficiency, of all the wheels of trade, large and small, all the categories relating to trading areas (urban market, national market) or to a given product (the market in sugar, precious metals, spices etc.). In this sense the word is the equivalent of exchange, circulation and distribution. <br />
<br />
2.Large broad form of exchange, also known as market economy.<br />
<br />
==The Market as Interface of Digital and Analog==<br />
Braudel makes a distinction between “material life” and “economic life,” suggesting that the market, stalls and shops form a discontinuous contact surface between the two. By “material life” he means the most elementary, autarkic societies and by “economic life” he means commerce, currencies, and exchanges (Braudel, 21). Hence, the market is a medium in the sense that it translates the “non-economy, imprisoned within self-sufficiency” to the level of “exchange-“or “market-value.” The discontinuity, for Braudel, is clearly rooted his positing some sort of non-economy that precedes full-blown capitalism. In other words, Braudel envisions precapitalist market as being discontinuous and spontaneous whereas the “true capitalist” market becomes continuous and permanently reified as “the market.” Is this distinction between discontinuity and continuity also that of digital and analog? Here, it can be argued that Braudel’s point is a bit nostalgic. That is to say, that Braudel’s overarching project to delink what he calls “economic life” from capitalism, which he sometimes refers to as “true capitalism”(Wallerstein, 354) necessitates a level of fixity in what he calls a market (as opposed to anti-market). Immanuel Wallerstein helps us understand this part of Braudel very clearly. According to Wallerstein, economic life moves out of the unconscious routine of the daily life towards a more conscious and active process of the division of labor (Wallerstein, 355). Framed within admittedly fraught distinction between continuous/discontinuous, we can suggest that for Braudel the material life is analog; hence unconscious, though nevertheless full of regularities. Economic life, that is “true capitalist” life, is too then perceivably analog as it is an instrumental, goal-oriented activity of production bounded in the smoothness of consciousness. But indeed, the market is that which interfaces and mediates the economic life into material life. In addition, Wallerstein suggests that Braudel sees that market economy as transparent, whereas material life (below) and economic life (above) are shadowy and opaque, in contrast. However, the zone above, on the other hand, (the economy) the zone of capitalism, was opaque, in this case because capitalists wanted it so. It was a zone in which “certain groups of privileged actors were engaged in circuits and calculations that ordinary people knew nothing of” (Braudel as quoted in Wallerstein, 355). Thus, in this mediation, there is a “blackboxing” of the guts of exchange. The market economy (or the antimarket) does not show the immanent negotiation of the market transaction, and indeed the fixing of the market-price. Price control, which Susan Buck-Morss rightly notes becomes the representational bottom-line of the market (Buck-Morss, 463). <br />
<br />
(The specific definition of the market is rendered even in the layout of the three volumes of Braudel’s Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century.) Against Polanyi, he argues that “the market” as a vital component of the “market economy” is a consolidation, rationalization and even remediation of practices or instruments of exchange, which existed centuries prior to the 15th century, when we see the emergence of the ordinary market (e.g., the farmer’s market). The farmer’s market is characterized by what Braudel labels “immediate exchange,” describing it as such: “goods are sold on the spot, the purchases are taken and paid for there and then. Credit is hardly used…”(Ibid., 29). Immediate exchange had been practiced centuries or millennia before in ancient Greece, classical China, the Americas (Aztecs) and all over Africa.<br />
<br />
==Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange==<br />
In the 15th century, markets were held twice a week in towns and urban centers in theory only. Especially in cities such as Paris, markets were held daily. The twice-a-week rule was not so much an effect of regulation but of necessity, as the surrounding countryside needed time to supply them. During the 17th century, the shift from being held in between town and countryside to being held at the heart of towns, usually in the town squares. As towns continued to grow in size, so did the markets, to the point where the tiny town squares could no longer accommodate the number of vendors coming to sell their goods. Here are Braudel’s words: “And since they [markets] represented modernity on the march, their growth allowed no obstacle to bar their way: they could with impunity impose on their surroundings their congestion, their rubbish and their obstinate gatherings of people” (Braudel, 31). The solution adopted was that of banishing them to the outskirts of town. However, as a reaction against this measure, markets would appear as open spaces would open up, especially seasonally with the freezing over of rivers, on which goods could be brought back and forth via sled. Braudel recounts two such examples—Moscow’s Moscova river and London’s Thames. The latter is most famously represented in the adjoining engraving. <br />
[[Image:FaironThames.jpg|thumb|left|Fair on Thames 1683. Literally bad weather]]<br />
<br />
===Enclosing and Encoding the Market===<br />
Markets existed in very ancient times within a single village or group of villages—the market being a sort of itinerant village, as the fair was a sort of traveling town. But the decisive step in this long history was taken when the town appropriated these little markets. It absorbed them and inflated them to its own dimensions, in return having to accept the demands they made on it. <br />
<br />
The urban markets may have been invented by the Phoenicians. The Greek city-states had a market on the agora. The proliferation of markets beyond the town squares elicited a response by towns to take regulatory measures, the most significant of which was the construction of covered markets (halls or halles), at times surrounded by open-air markets (Braudel, 33). In the 16th century, the towns and cities of England saw a series of markethalls with different names spring up, often at the experience of a wealthy local merchant disposed to be generous. The word halle could mean several things then, from a simple covered market to the mighty buildings and complicated organizations of the Halles which were from a very early date ‘the belly of Paris.’ What is of note is that these were mostly permanent and specialized. London, for example, by 1660, halls had “full-time employees, and a whole complicated administration” (Braudel, 33). <br />
[[Image:Halle.jpg |thumb|left|Halles in Britanny, late 16th century]]<br />
The Halles was a huge combination of covered spaces and open spaces, its pillars holding up the arcades of neighboring houses, and surrounded by a bustling commercial life on the fringes of the central market, taking advantage of the disorder and sprawl and creating more of both to its own profit. Additionally, it marked the beginning of the usage of the term “market” as associated with a specific good such as “labor market.” Though it seems like a minor detail in the history of commerce, the covering of markets, we would argue, is a major turning-point or "break boundary" as "the system generated by the artifact suddenly changes into another or passes some point of no return in its dynamic processes" (quoted from Critical Techniques page). Once markets were covered and centralized, we see that the political interventions on markets would follow to delimit the contingent and spontaneous nature of markets. <br />
<br />
[[Image:Markettownsinwales.jpg|thumb|right| 800 Market Towns in England/Wales 1500-1640]]<br />
With the springing of markets all over various cities, towns began to intervene, once again, through spatial restrictions. London, again, provides a very enlightening example for Braudel. With the London market came the dislocation of the traditional market (public, nothing could be concealed), producer-vendor and buyer-consumer meet face to face. The distance between the two was becoming too great to be traveled by ordinary people. The merchant, or middleman, had already, from at least the thirteenth century, made his appearance in England, as a go-between for town and country, in particular in the corn trade. Gradually, chains of intermediaries were set up between producer and merchant on one hand, and between merchant and retailer on the other; along these chains passed the bulk of the trade in butter, cheese, poultry produce, fruit, vegetables and milk (Braudel, 42). Moreover, beyond goods of produce and industry (mostly crafts), land also became traded on the market. The market is then, in turn, a coterminous concept with “commodity,” as it becomes a facilitating medium for commodities. It becomes the connection, or encoding interface by which the commodity could be transformed from use-value to exchange-value. By encoding, I mean to suggest that the market becomes part of the grammar of commodities in market capitalism. How this functions I would argue is that the market becomes the system of rationality that is able to bring within a bounded geographical and symbolic system, effectively doing away with the barter system of mercantilism, and instating a mode of representation with its unit of measurement being the commodity. After it is enclosed and encoded, the market becomes the sole means by which to exchange, thus acting as a formal prohibition for all economic activity. Markets become the dominant economic media. <br />
The market then is the condition of possibility for commodities, but “the null point of social community (Buck-Morss, 437). Susan Buck-Morss goes so far as to argue that the market then elicits a certain mode of subjectivity that undergirds the market and commodity—the economic actor that is a, harkening back to the Freudian theory of human as a “bundle of instincts,” a “bounded rationality” (Buck-Morss, 466). Bounded rationality for Buck-Morss, is indicative of the effects of market-encoding or market-modeling that points towards the “depersonalization of exchange” (Buck-Morss, 437).<br />
<br />
=Theatricality in the creation of a consuming subject=<br />
<br />
Although there is much disagreement as to when consumer culture emerged fully formed, it is clear that the social transformation that accompanied its arrival required an unprecedented effort to pursuade individuals to consume as a way of life. The combined forces of advertising, branding and strategic exhibition of foreign objects, colluded in an elaborate performance which sought to embed curiosity in consuming subjects eager to witness the magic of a marketplace disrupting traditional social fabric. Although<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=Semiotics in the Liberation of Function from Form=<br />
[[Image:Monument.jpg|right|thumb|Robert Venturi's "Recommendation for a monument" from [[Learning From Las Vegas]], 1972]]<br />
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<br />
''... ours is not the environment for heroic communication through pure architecture. Each medium has its day, and the rhetorical environmental statements of our time – civic, commercial, or residential – will come from media more purely symbolic, perhaps less static and more adaptable to the scale of our environment. The iconography and mixed media of roadside commercial architecture will point the way if we will look. Housing for the elderly on the Oak Street Connector, if it had to be a monument, would have been more economical, socially responsible and amenable as a conventional apartment building,lost by the side of the expressway, with a big sign on top blinking, I AM A MONUMENT. Decoration is cheaper. <br />
<br />
- Robert Venturi,"Learning From Las Vegas," 1972''<br />
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[[Image:Vegas strip.jpg|thumb|right|The Upper Strip Looking North]]<br />
[[Image:Normal wedding-chapel-las-vegas.jpg|thumb|right|A Vegas chapel: function legitimated through semiotics]]<br />
<br />
When Robert Venturi looked to the vernacular architecture on the Las Vegas strip in the late 1960's, he saw a resurrection of symbolism in the built environment that had seemed destined for extinction in the wake of architectural modernism. Whereas the Bauhaus' legacy in modernism had stripped buildings of ornament in an attempt to unify form with function, Venturi was amazed to find a Las Vegas strip dotted with generic buildings differentiated only by elaborate ornamental signs designating the unique functions and identities of otherwise identical spaces. <br />
<br />
The Vegas strip not only violated a progression away from decoration (which led many to credit Venturi's text as the first postmodern architectural manifesto) but brought more clearly into focus the impact of the automobile upon architecture that needed to be identified from greater distances over shorter durations of time. Whereas the heroic communication of pure architecture had in the past led to forms and facades which - albeit imperfectly - communicated the activities contained within them, Venturi noted that in a land of highways and commercial strips the same system of (road) signs that enabled standardized navigation of an entire continent also enabled a faster recognition of the buildings and spaces one passed by. The vital necessity of introducing semiotic distinctions between buildings exemplified the spatial distortions that accompany accelerated movement and the distribution of communities across expanding territories.<br />
<br />
Whereas the built environment brought countless aspects of human activity into existence by anchoring them in physical space, what Venturi exposed was the cultural appropriation of semiotic systems to designate spaces whose distinctive architecture had not yet been invented. In his iconic “Recommendation for a monument” his sarcastic suggestion that decoration upon generic form was the most ethical and economic method of design, exposed the complete lack of subtlety in designs that managed to serve specific functions in the absence of architectural innovation. Rather than create a home for new human activity, it was clear that one need only name a space in order for it to serve a specific function. Although modular, multipurpose, space had been realized long ago behind the glass curtain walls of modern skyscapers, after 1972, one could not escape the vulgar conclusion that the space itself was a nostalgic theatre enabling the suspension of disbelief which designated the offices of one box from the warehouse or monument of another.<br />
<br />
In essence, symbolism had invaded space rendering residual communicative modalities in architectural form (the steeple, the column, the storefront) which directed activities within them unnecessary. In a traditional town one might recognize a church by a steeple, and civic institutions by classical architecture – but in Las Vegas one needed only to read a sign that read “CHAPEL” and a marriage could be performed. Resistance to the glass curtain and the modernist box need not be overcome by a radical re-education of a public in modernist aesthetics, but by the complete removal of ambiguity through the ultimate abstraction of the sign. Buildings had entered a realm of mediation, and the Las Vegas strip presented an intermediate phenomenon whereby one could could navigate a foreign landscape and locate a desired service or commodity in spite of all unfamiliarity with the landscape itself. <br />
<br />
Venturi's Monument, like a Vegas chapel, anticipates the remediation of spatial phenomena in immaterial spaces and illustrates that function itself is not material, but something performed by actors engaged in a collective fiction. Once it was plainly clear that all the world was a stage, it followed that with the proper, scripting, semiotic device, the market no longer needed to be a specific locality in order to function as a market.<br />
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<br />
= Market as Stage: A comparison of three Stock Markets=<br />
<br />
NASDAQ [[Image:Nasdaq0952.jpg|thumb|right|NASDAQ's only physical manifestations are purely symbolic, they fully realize Venturi's conception of an alternative medium housing the functions that previously required a complex and unique architecture]]<br />
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On February 8, 1971, a year prior to Venturi's publication of "Learning From Las Vegas," the world witnessed the birth of the first purely electronic stock market, NASDAQ. In contrast to traditional stock markets, NASDAQ's elimination of a trading floor helped to minimize the spread between the bid price and the ask price of a stock through it's computer bulletin board system. Although the market initially did not connect buyers and sellers directly, it presented a successor to over-the-counter finance and introduced a market function that did not depend on person to person trade. NASDAQ initially relied upon the use of telephones to connect buyers, brokers and sellers, yet currently relies upon electronic communication networks. As the world's largest stock market, in terms of companies listed and trades per day, NASDAQ is a functioning market without the spatial enclosure of a market, a product of the information age, and a phenomenon which illuminates the theatrical gestures elsewhere to preserve and exhibit a non-essential spatiality.<br />
<br />
The New York Stock Exchange [[Image:TRADING floor 042007.jpg|thumb|right|Chaos on the NYSE trading floor constitutes genuine trading activity kept alive through the hybrid market's "cake mix effect"]]<br />
<br />
Although the New York Stock exchange no longer engages in over-the-counter trading, its trading floor is a bustling theatre of trading activity. The floor itself might be seen as an obsolescent inefficiency, yet it is worth noting that in dollar volume, the NYSE remains a larger market than the NASDAQ despite having less listings. The NYSE is called a hybrid market because customers are given the choice of whether to send orders for immediate electronic execution or whether to submit an order to the trading floor for trading in the auction market. The preservation of human interaction on the floor itself seems to embody a nostalgia inherent in "the cake mix effect" whereby the efficiency of a sequence is interrupted by redundant steps as a defense from the obsolescence of a sequence understood to have cultural value. The floor is a tradition that is alive and well, yet this phenomenon eludes the mere prerequisite of market function, effectively defending a culture whose continued presence preserves an illusion that the market is still a market.<br />
<br />
<br />
The Shanghai Stock Exchange [[Image:Xin 09020401155645001043.jpg|thumb|right|The empty trading floor in Shanghai]]<br />
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In perhaps the most bizarre isolation of medium from message at a time when the space of a trading floor is obsolescent, the Shanghai Stock Exchange, though entirely electronic like NASDAQ, has a trading floor which serves no market function in performance or otherwise. As a relatively new market, the physicality of a trading floor lends authority to the electronic transactions which occur in reference to it, yet it simultaneously sits as the vacant theatre of a performance which never took place. Whereas the NYSE might be understood as a monument to trading which lays claim to cultural capital and ensures continued longevity, the Shanghai Stock Exchange physical existence seems in contrast to be legitimizing a market dependent upon foreign investors that equate the physical market with a "real" market worthy of investment. The market extends Robert Venturi's visual joke into unexpected territory, announcing "I AM A MARKET" in spite of foreign anxieties which might argue otherwise.<br />
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= The Market as an Object of Representation and Modeling=<br />
This section will look at how the market as an object was subsumed by "the economy," following Timothy Mitchell's argument in his article, "Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century". Mitchell argues that the objectification of the market and the economy is accomplished by economic, econometric, and governmental attempts to keep track of monetary exchange. In other words, measurements of the market serve to constitute the object they seek to measure (Mitchell 2005). Following Mitchell's argument and drawing from Randy Martin's book, ''An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management'', we propose that the death of the market as a media object was accomplished by the same process that made it; measurements of market activity become the condition of possibility for this activity in such a way that measuring and regulatory acts become immanent to actual commodities. Commodities now no longer need the frame of the market to act as a structure, providing the affordances and prohibitions of exchange. Now these regulatory/technical capacities are embedded in commodities such as derivatives and securities, as Randy Martin demonstrates.<br />
<br />
== The Market as a Medium ==<br />
<br />
In addition to asking how the market comes to be an object, it is relevant for this project to ask, to what extent can the market be characterized as a medium? And, insofar as it is a medium, to what extent can the market be characterized as a dead medium?<br />
<br />
In order to answer these questions, one must consider different definitions and uses of the word, market.<br />
<br />
1) Fernand Braudel defines the market as that which mediates between material life and economic life. This understanding is obsolete because the possibility of mediation requires a prior separation between the two entities--in this case material and economic life--being mediated. A Marxist reading of capitalism, especially as it was taken up by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics, suggests that material and economic life are no longer separate, that the economy has become a condition of possibility for material life, and is therefore immanent to it. The market as a medium in this regard is dead.<br />
<br />
2) The market can also refer to a physical place where commodities are exchanged, as in a marketplace. This is similar to Mitchell's discussion of the market before the use of the word economy to refer to an object of economic analysis. This market is an inert space where the lives of people and the fruits of the land interact. In this case it is a passive medium through which commodities are exchanged. The message being mediated is the trade between the commodity and money, but the marketplace does not mediate this message. The medium is actually the socially agreed up or legal rules that determine the contract of exchange. It is these rules that construct the space as a market, and it has been proven that exchange can happen without being enclosed in a spatial entity determined to be a marketplace. The market as a spatial entity is dead insofar as merchants and buyers no longer have to go to a physical place to engage in acts of exchange. The contracts determining an act of exchange do not require all parties to be in the same place, and with the internet, parties engaged in an act of exchange to do not have to make contact at the same time. <br />
<br />
It is even necessary to consider the death of exchange, for exchange implies that all parties lose one object (either a commodity or money) and gain another. However, value is now generated from situations of loss and lack, and from the differentials between predicted prices (See section entitled "Investing in Risk" below). '''It may be now be possible to talk about a production of value independent of exchange.''' <br />
<br />
3) The market is also a conceptual category referring to a specific type of commodity that can be bought and sold (i.e., the job market, the stock market). The stipulation is that there has to be more than one seller offering the commodity to at least one buyer. The sellers exist in a market competing for the buyers, who can choose between them. In this case the competitive conditions impact the price. In this way There is argument about whether this type of free market in which prices are determined by supply and demand under conditions of competition is alive or dead. Manuel DeLanda argues that capitalism is an anti-market because price is regulated by factors other than supply and demand in a competitive market; in other words, price is imposed from outside the market (DeLanda, Markets and Antimarkets in the World Economy).<br />
<br />
4) Another meaning for the word market is an aggregate of economic exchange in a given totality, such as "the U.S. market". Mitchell argues that the market in this definition is an object of calculation and analysis, and that therefore the acts of objectification comprise the object we know as the market. According to Mitchell, "the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism" (Mitchell 2007, 7). By this logic, capitalism is a sort of matrix or substrate made of the technical enactment of boundaries between inside and outside. The boundary-making itself is the substance of capitalism. This speaks to McCluhan's famous statement that "the medium is message". In this case the analysis of markets become the condition of possibility for markets, and this condition of possibility is the actual medium. <br />
<br />
The question remains, what message is being mediated here. Mitchell's analysis serves to show that the market is not actually a bounded object, and because of this we can presuppose autonomy for any entities between which the market mediates. The market is no longer a medium.<br />
<br />
== The Market as an Organic Body ==<br />
<br />
In Braudel's definition of the market, his use of the term "economic life" implies that economic activity is alive, or that it is a site where life happens. Timothy Mitchell finds that dominant ideas of the market before the 1930s treated it as an aggregate of life forces, or "individual utilities" (Mitchell 2005, 129). The Malthusian relationship between land fertility and population size comprised the object of analysis as "an organic world of human settlement, agriculture, and the movement of populations, goods, and wealth" (Mitchell 2005, 128). <br />
<br />
Towards the end of the 1800s, the idea of the market as a separate surface began, but it was not yet a "self-contained sphere, imagined as machine whose internal mechanisms and exchanges separate it from other social processes (Mitchell 2005, 128). Rather, "The object of analysis was made up of forces, conceived as individual utilities, that were assumed to be in balance. The site of this mechanical equilibrium was 'the market'.... As a neutral, planar surface, the market of neoclassical economics had no depth, no dynamic structure, no forces of its own, no 'macro' dimension that could be described apart from the individual utilities that moved across it. It was an inert, unmoving space" (Mitchell 2005, 129). In this characterization, the market was not seen as a system. It was rather a space that could be filled with individual energy; this is quite different from the current idea of "the economy" as a thermodynamic system in which the whole exerts force onto each of the parts. In this older conception of the market, the equilibrium of individual forces was not imposed by a greater whole, but seemed to arise naturally. <br />
<br />
Mitchell argues that the term, "economy" was not used in its contemporary sense, as an object of economic analysis, until it was actually taken as an object of economic analysis by econometrics in the 1930s. This was around the same time John Maynard Keynes began to refer to "the economic system as a whole" (Mitchell 2005, 130). Mitchell characterizes econometrics as "the attempt to create a mathematical representation of the entire economic process as a self-contained and dynamic mechanism" (Mitchell 2005, 131). At this point the dynamism of the economy incorporates or subsumes a collection of markets into itself. Economic processes are seen as a totality and it is possible to distinguish between that which is internal and that which is external to this totality. External forces impact the economy, causing "reverberations throughout the internal machine" (Mitchell 2005, 133). <br />
<br />
This notion of the economy as a system seems to persist, but perhaps with an important development. It is still understood as a systemic totality, but the external forces that impact it have been subsumed into the economy (partly through the statistical measurements of aggregates and averages such as gross national product and average spending). It is understood more like an organism than a machine requiring a human laborer. Randy Martin describes this organic model: "An economy could become overheated and melt down or explode. The social sciences more generally were predicated on this image of a closed system. The system adapted to internal strains by growth and differentiation. It maintained boundaries, kept out threatening uncertainties, and externalized unintended consequences from its internal decisions" (Martin, 28-29).<br />
<br />
=== The Death of Equilibrium/Equilibrium as Death ===<br />
<br />
Organic models of systems describe systems as thermodynamic, operating like a thermostat that adjusts to external stimuli, or adapts external stimuli to it, in such a way that the system maintains equilibrium. Business cycle models of the market speak the language of thermodynamics because the market returns to the same stages each time it goes through a cycle. However, some contemporary critiques of capitalism argue that capitalism operates more as a ''state'' of instability than a ''system'' at equilibrium (See Clough 2007). <br />
<br />
Randy Martin looks at this problem of equilibrium/disequilibrium in terms of the financial logic of risk that, he argues, has permeated economic thinking and has defined the subject as an investor. Martin traces the U.S.'s switch from a creditor to a debtor nation in the 1980s, when the nation began to operate through consumption without production. During this time risk became a sign of strength and power and the need for stability was a sign of weakness, now associated with the third world (Martin, 28). Being in debt, which used to be a sign of weakness, became a source of value. Debt is repackaged into securities. <br />
<br />
Beginning in the late 1970s after the U.S. dollar was delinked from the gold standard, "monetary movement was being freed to spread the wealth. Equilibrium-- key to Bretton Woods and early monetarist currency controls-- was no longer a condition of exchange. The dollar's spread, the expansion of debt and speculation, fostered disequilibrium and its attendant risks as a new horizon of opportunity. Fixing exchange to a physical standard perpetuated the image of the economy as a closed system. It could grow in proportion to the balance of inputs and outputs" (Martin, 29). According to Martin, money's attachment to the gold standard provided a kind of mystification that had a performative function; it created a "system-based moral and political economy" that was then overtaken by financial reason: in Martin's words, "when the investor who knows no country elbowed out the consumer-citizen of the nation-state, the organic closed system, result of the social sciences' unacknowledged metaphorizing of the social, was morphing into a different kind of beast" (Martin, 29). The a delinking of the subject from the nation-state goes hand-in-hand with the advent of the investor, who is a self-managing risk-taker. <br />
<br />
Within this finance economy, speculation is the only way to thrive economically, and speculation relies on both present and future instability and unpredictability (for more on unpredictability, see Clough). It is the very lack of predictability of capitalism that makes speculation such a profitable game; if the economy were truly predictable, than there would be no competition for correct guesses and measurements, and a securities package would not be a commodity.<br />
<br />
'''Futurity in the Present'''<br />
<br />
Another way to probe this idea of the death of the market as a system at equilibrium is to think about the non-linear time made possible by predictions. As Martin illustrates in his discussion of derivatives, they are a way of turning the unknown future into a value-generating product in the present. Luciana Parisi and Steve Goodman argue that the eruption of branding as a value-generating device is also a way of actualizing the future in the present: "In its infinite differentiation of product ranges, branding plays with a combination of familiarity plus novelty, a ''past-futurity''. New memories installed that you have not phenomenologically experienced in order to produce a certain receptivity to brand triggers" (Parisi and Goodman, Pnemonic Control 2006). This is one way in which Clough et. al argues that capitalism can no longer be described as an enclosed system, because of its openness to different temporalities.<br />
<br />
== New Encodings ==<br />
<br />
A capitalist market needs to have what Timothy Mitchell calls an "apparatus of representation" in order to convert material into abstract capital. He argues that failing capitalist economies differ from their succeeding counterparts because of how their wealth is held, not because of how much wealth they have. It is a matter of coding material into a symbolic system: "Representations of material goods transform their value into abstract forms, which can live an 'invisible, parallel life' alongside their physical existence. The West has invented procedures to create these invisible forms. Individuals in the West can unlock the assets accumulated in physical property, transforming material wealth into abstract capital" (Mitchell 2007, 9). <br />
<br />
Evidence of this claim lies in how markets and nonmarkets are distinguished by economists: "...in describing what this nonmarket world lacks, neoclassical economics tends to diagnose its defects as an absence of techniques of representation. Things are stuck outside the market because they are not properly represented-- by property records, prices, or other systems of reference. What economic analysis does, however, is not to represent what was previously unrepresented, but to try and reorganize the circulation and control of representations" (Mitchell 2007, 7). This circulation of representations is not only happening in the realm of the social sciences, but is an economic circulation. In fact, a derivative can be described as a packaged representation of a fluctuation in price that can be bought and sold as a commodity. This exemplifies the way in which value is generated by coding, not merely by quantities of material wealth. Perhaps this can be seen as a kind of self-coding, or immanent coding. (This discussion is raised in Clough et. al in terms of matter's capacity to self-form and how this is taken up by capitalism.)<br />
<br />
=== Coding of Risk, Instability ===<br />
<br />
How shall we understand market activity after the market is no longer an object? Instead of coding material goods as valuable (Mitchell, 2007), Randy Martin argues that capitalism is following a financial logic which extracts value by predicting future price fluctuations, interest rates, exchange rates, and packages this risk into new kinds of commodities, such as derivatives and securities. According to Martin, "Properly ascertained risk, not growth per se, is what yields rewards. The trade in risk avoidance devolves into a profit on risk itself" (Martin, 33).<br />
<br />
==== Derivatives ====<br />
<br />
A derivative is a contract on "some variation in price" (Martin, 31). EXAMPLE: "a firm selling a product overseas that will not be deliverable for several years will create a contract to fix currency exchange rates for the time when the product is finished. The expected difference between current and future exchange rates can then be sold as a separate commodity" (Martin, 31). "A similar contract could hedge against a change in interest rates, or the price of raw materials, or delivery costs" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
<br />
"Derivatives remove reference from the commodity. They allow debt to serve as a productive medium from which countless commodities can be spawned. Derivatives are promissory notes issued between firms. They represent a prime vehicle with which industrial corporations undertake the function of banks by engaging in financial services." (Martin, 31)<br />
<br />
"The derivative is a sign of the shift in the beneficiaries of development from populations or nations to other economic actors. Those who can steward risk will advance....The capacity for financial decision making trumps democratic involvement to decide political representation" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
==== Securities ====<br />
<br />
<br />
Spatial Representation''':<br />
<br />
The purpose of any space is determined by both the symbols used to<br />
designate where one is (ie an open for business sign), and the<br />
practices that take place there. In "Learning From Las Vegas," Robert<br />
Venturi takes a close look at how the Vegas Strip (in the late 60's)<br />
consisted of buildings that were differentiated primarily by flashy<br />
signs decorating unoriginal buildings (what he called the "decorated<br />
shed." He traced the phenomenon to the impact of speed on<br />
architecture - mainly that in a landscape where one drives past<br />
buildings, signs enable one to differentiate one space from another at<br />
a faster speed than differentiated architectures could (which is why<br />
signs matter so much for businesses on highways).<br />
<br />
What makes this so interesting is that when semiotics are reintroduced<br />
into architecture, communicating the specific use of a generic space,<br />
buildings enter a mediated realm - And I think that's key here - that<br />
when people believe they're in a market when they see a "market" sign,<br />
it enables the use of a spatial semiotic to successfully mediate the<br />
entire space provided that the same activity occurs - which is really<br />
just to say that the Las Vegas strip is this intermediate phenomenon<br />
whereby we all can find what we want in foreign places, and that's<br />
precisely the mechanism by which we can create a market without the<br />
actual space of a market (a shopping cart icon does the trick!).<br />
<br />
'''Immanent Representation''':<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
Braudel, Fernand. 1982. The wheels of commerce. New York: Harper & Row.<br />
<br />
Buck-Morss, Susan. Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display. Critical Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter, 1995), pp. 434-467. The University of Chicago Press<br />
<br />
Clough, Patricia, et. al. 2007. Notes Towards a Theory of Affect Itself. ''ephemera: theory and politics in organization''. 7(1):60-77.<br />
<br />
Ewen, Stuart & Ewen, Elizabeth, Channels of Desire: Mass Images and the Shaping of American Consciousness, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1992, pp. 23-52.<br />
<br />
Jameson Fredric, “Culture and Finance Capital,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1, (1997 ), pp. 246-265. <br />
<br />
Martin, Randy. 2007. An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management. Durham and London: Duke University Press.<br />
<br />
Massumi, Brian. The Future Birth of the Affective Fact. DATE JOURNAL<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. 2005. Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century. ''The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences: Positivism and its Epistemological Others'', edited by George Steinmetz.<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. [From an early version of the following paper.] 2007. The Properties of Markets. ''Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics''. Edited by Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />
<br />
Venturi, Robert, Denise Scott Brown and Steve Izenour, Learning From Las Vegas: The Forgotten Symbolism of Architectural Form, Cambridge: MIT Press 1972.<br />
<br />
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Braudel on Capitalism, or Everything Upside Down” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 2, A Special Issue on Modern France (Jun., 1991), pp. 354-361</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=The_Market&diff=4663The Market2008-04-16T19:23:58Z<p>Samhan: /* Braudel's Typology */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Image:Shopping Cart.jpg]]<br />
<br />
In this dossier's engagement with the intersection of the built and mediated environment, we interpret Marshall McLuhan's argument that the remediation process whereby one medium survives as the content of another is the preservation of a distinct ''function'' in the midst of informatic and material transformation. This is not to suggest any predetermined trajectory of cultural obsolescence whereby a pre-existing function is stripped of cultural obstacles in its way, but rather to note that, ''in hindsight, content's transformative mechanism of appropriation enables us to examine behavioral systems, and the environment that housed them, as dead media,'' and that such dead media provide insights into a story of the concentration and distillation of culture into the symbolic content of later media which house cultural remains. <br />
<br />
Within the larger discussion of critical techniques this Archive attempts to employ, this dossier might also best be understood as an attempt to bridge our understanding of the isolation of <br />
medium from message (in the Hermes model) with our understanding of the communicative properties of materials which exhibit no such fragmentation (in the Iris model), as well as the rhizomatic, independent, message function that, in its ubiquitous employabilty, conforms to no specific medium (the Furies model). Far from suggesting an evolutionary hierarchy towards the immaterial, the market may, however, provide deeper insights into our understanding of the remediating processes at work in each of the three. <br />
<br />
We trace the process whereby the concentration of trading behavior and its eventual standardization was enabled by its enclosure in the space of the market, and the processes whereby this concentration separated market activity from a distinct built environment, isolating a function which is non-physical and anticipates the remediation of the market in the scripting content of immaterial spaces. Although we make no attempt to argue that physical market sites no longer exist, we do attempt to expose the informatic and material shifts that have obsolesced such physical environments, rendering the built environments that remain stages which serve a social function that is, in itself, a commodity. We identify the legacy of this fragmentation in the built environment and in the spaces which now bear witness to the market function in unexpected forms, yet we hope that future contributions will enrich and complicate the conceptual and mediatic transformations that accompanied the resurrection of symbolism in architecture.<br />
<br />
[[Image:Colourful shopping carts.jpg|thumb|right| What was once a spatial locality with a distinct form and use is now pure function with no distinct materiality]] [[Image:TUR1491SpiceBazaar.jpg]] <br />
<br />
=The History of Exchange= <br />
<br />
<br />
==The Market in Capitalism==<br />
<br />
===What is a market?===<br />
Is there such thing as a "pre-capitalist" market? To posit a pre-“anything” is to argue an implicit periodization of a concept. And undoubtedly, to suggest that there was a mode of representation or media such as “the market” so entrenched within the cultural values and practices of capitalism that preceded it, would also then require some explaining. Thankfully, in this task, we follow historian Fernand Braudel, who has undertaken massive volumes of study in this area. The trajectory of Braudel’s project, in line with his Annales colleagues more generally, is to provide a historiography of capitalism does not reify the very object of analysis—the ever-expanding, seemingly amoebic process called capitalism, which Marx himself referred to as comparable to “queer things abounding.” The danger would be to overlook how the market embodies the shifting historic-economic transition from merchant to industrial to finance capitalism. <br />
<br />
With respect to Marx and the present study at hand, it could be argued that Marx dealt the strongest blow the concept of the market as a fixed, spatial location of exchange; so why even proceed? Well, indeed, “the market” as a spatial category very much plays a large part in various spheres of life, most pressingly the cultural, social and political. Moreover, many scholars, Frederic Jameson most famously, have even suggested that the economic has fallen to the level of culture (See Jameson). In such arguments, there is an assumed de-differentiation of previously separate spheres. The guiding question in this section will be (roughly): How did the market become differentiated in the first place?<br />
<br />
===Braudel's Typology===<br />
1.All of types of exchange that go beyond self-sufficiency, of all the wheels of trade, large and small, all the categories relating to trading areas (urban market, national market) or to a given product (the market in sugar, precious metals, spices etc.). In this sense the word is the equivalent of exchange, circulation and distribution. <br />
<br />
2.Large broad form of exchange, also known as market economy.<br />
<br />
==The Market as Interface of Digital and Analog==<br />
Braudel makes a distinction between “material life” and “economic life,” suggesting that the market, stalls and shops form a discontinuous contact surface between the two. By “material life” he means the most elementary, autarkic societies and by “economic life” he means commerce, currencies, and exchanges (Braudel, 21). Hence, the market is a medium in the sense that it translates the “non-economy, imprisoned within self-sufficiency” to the level of “exchange-“or “market-value.” The discontinuity, for Braudel, is clearly rooted his positing some sort of non-economy that precedes full-blown capitalism. In other words, Braudel envisions precapitalist market as being discontinuous and spontaneous whereas the “true capitalist” market becomes continuous and permanently reified as “the market.” Is this distinction between discontinuity and continuity also that of digital and analog? Here, it can be argued that Braudel’s point is a bit nostalgic. That is to say, that Braudel’s overarching project to delink what he calls “economic life” from capitalism, which he sometimes refers to as “true capitalism”(Wallerstein, 354) necessitates a level of fixity in what he calls a market (as opposed to anti-market). Immanuel Wallerstein helps us understand this part of Braudel very clearly. He suggests that that Braudel makes a clear distinction between “economic life” and “material life.” Economic life moves out of the unconscious routine of the daily life towards a more conscious and active process of the division of labor (Wallerstein, 355). Framed within admittedly fraught distinction between continuous/discontinuous, we can suggest that for Braudel the material life is analog; hence unconscious, though nevertheless full of regularities. Economic life, that is “true capitalist” life, is too then perceivably analog as it is an instrumental, goal-oriented activity of production bounded in the smoothness of consciousness. But indeed, the market is that which interfaces and mediates the economic life into material life. In addition, Wallerstein suggests that Braudel sees that market economy as transparent, whereas material life (below) and economic life (above) are shadowy and opaque, in contrast. However, the zone above, on the other hand, (the economy) the zone of capitalism, was opaque, in this case because capitalists wanted it so. It was a zone in which “certain groups of privileged actors were engaged in circuits and calculations that ordinary people knew nothing of” (Braudel as quoted in Wallerstein, 355). Thus, in this mediation, there is a “blackboxing” of the guts of exchange. The market economy (or the antimarket) does not show the immanent negotiation of the market transaction, and indeed the fixing of the market-price. Price control, which Susan Buck-Morss rightly notes becomes the representational bottom-line of the market (Buck-Morss, 463). <br />
<br />
(The specific definition of the market is rendered even in the layout of the three volumes of Braudel’s Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century.) Against Polanyi, he argues that “the market” as a vital component of the “market economy” is a consolidation, rationalization and even remediation of practices or instruments of exchange, which existed centuries prior to the 15th century, when we see the emergence of the ordinary market (e.g., the farmer’s market). The farmer’s market is characterized by what Braudel labels “immediate exchange,” describing it as such: “goods are sold on the spot, the purchases are taken and paid for there and then. Credit is hardly used…”(Ibid., 29). Immediate exchange had been practiced centuries or millennia before in ancient Greece, classical China, the Americas (Aztecs) and all over Africa. <br />
<br />
==Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange==<br />
In the 15th century, markets were held twice a week in towns and urban centers in theory only. Especially in cities such as Paris, markets were held daily. The twice-a-week rule was not so much an effect of regulation but of necessity, as the surrounding countryside needed time to supply them. During the 17th century, the shift from being held in between town and countryside to being held at the heart of towns, usually in the town squares. As towns continued to grow in size, so did the markets, to the point where the tiny town squares could no longer accommodate the number of vendors coming to sell their goods. Here are Braudel’s words: “And since they [markets] represented modernity on the march, their growth allowed no obstacle to bar their way: they could with impunity impose on their surroundings their congestion, their rubbish and their obstinate gatherings of people” (Braudel, 31). The solution adopted was that of banishing them to the outskirts of town. However, as a reaction against this measure, markets would appear as open spaces would open up, especially seasonally with the freezing over of rivers, on which goods could be brought back and forth via sled. Braudel recounts two such examples—Moscow’s Moscova river and London’s Thames. The latter is most famously represented in the adjoining engraving. <br />
[[Image:FaironThames.jpg|thumb|left|Fair on Thames 1683. Literally bad weather]]<br />
<br />
===Enclosing and Encoding the Market===<br />
Markets existed in very ancient times within a single village or group of villages—the market being a sort of itinerant village, as the fair was a sort of traveling town. But the decisive step in this long history was taken when the town appropriated these little markets. It absorbed them and inflated them to its own dimensions, in return having to accept the demands they made on it. <br />
<br />
The urban markets may have been invented by the Phoenicians. The Greek city-states had a market on the agora. The proliferation of markets beyond the town squares elicited a response by towns to take regulatory measures, the most significant of which was the construction of covered markets (halls or halles), at times surrounded by open-air markets (Braudel, 33). In the 16th century, the towns and cities of England saw a series of markethalls with different names spring up, often at the experience of a wealthy local merchant disposed to be generous. The word halle could mean several things then, from a simple covered market to the mighty buildings and complicated organizations of the Halles which were from a very early date ‘the belly of Paris.’ What is of note is that these were mostly permanent and specialized. London, for example, by 1660, halls had “full-time employees, and a whole complicated administration” (Braudel, 33). <br />
[[Image:Halle.jpg |thumb|left|Halles in Britanny, late 16th century]]<br />
The Halles was a huge combination of covered spaces and open spaces, its pillars holding up the arcades of neighboring houses, and surrounded by a bustling commercial life on the fringes of the central market, taking advantage of the disorder and sprawl and creating more of both to its own profit. Additionally, it marked the beginning of the usage of the term “market” as associated with a specific good such as “labor market.” Though it seems like a minor detail in the history of commerce, the covering of markets, we would argue, is a major turning-point or "break boundary" as "the system generated by the artifact suddenly changes into another or passes some point of no return in its dynamic processes" (quoted from Critical Techniques page). Once markets were covered and centralized, we see that the political interventions on markets would follow to delimit the contingent and spontaneous nature of markets. <br />
<br />
[[Image:Markettownsinwales.jpg|thumb|right| 800 Market Towns in England/Wales 1500-1640]]<br />
With the springing of markets all over various cities, towns began to intervene, once again, through spatial restrictions. London, again, provides a very enlightening example for Braudel. With the London market came the dislocation of the traditional market (public, nothing could be concealed), producer-vendor and buyer-consumer meet face to face. The distance between the two was becoming too great to be traveled by ordinary people. The merchant, or middleman, had already, from at least the thirteenth century, made his appearance in England, as a go-between for town and country, in particular in the corn trade. Gradually, chains of intermediaries were set up between producer and merchant on one hand, and between merchant and retailer on the other; along these chains passed the bulk of the trade in butter, cheese, poultry produce, fruit, vegetables and milk (Braudel, 42). Moreover, beyond goods of produce and industry (mostly crafts), land also became traded on the market. The market is then, in turn, a coterminous concept with “commodity,” as it becomes a facilitating medium for commodities. It becomes the connection, or encoding interface by which the commodity could be transformed from use-value to exchange-value. By encoding, I mean to suggest that the market becomes part of the grammar of commodities in market capitalism. How this functions I would argue is that the market becomes the system of rationality that is able to bring within a bounded geographical and symbolic system, effectively doing away with the barter system of mercantilism, and instating a mode of representation with its unit of measurement being the commodity. After it is enclosed and encoded, the market becomes the sole means by which to exchange, thus acting as a formal prohibition for all economic activity. Markets become the dominant economic media. <br />
The market then is the condition of possibility for commodities, but “the null point of social community (Buck-Morss, 437). Susan Buck-Morss goes so far as to argue that the market then elicits a certain mode of subjectivity that undergirds the market and commodity—the economic actor that is a, harkening back to the Freudian theory of human as a “bundle of instincts,” a “bounded rationality” (Buck-Morss, 466). Bounded rationality for Buck-Morss, is indicative of the effects of market-encoding or market-modeling that points towards the “depersonalization of exchange” (Buck-Morss, 437).<br />
<br />
=Theatricality in the creation of a consuming subject=<br />
<br />
Although there is much disagreement as to when consumer culture emerged fully formed, it is clear that the social transformation that accompanied its arrival required an unprecedented effort to pursuade individuals to consume as a way of life. The combined forces of advertising, branding and strategic exhibition of foreign objects, colluded in an elaborate performance which sought to embed curiosity in consuming subjects eager to witness the magic of a marketplace disrupting traditional social fabric. Although<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=Semiotics in the Liberation of Function from Form=<br />
[[Image:Monument.jpg|right|thumb|Robert Venturi's "Recommendation for a monument" from [[Learning From Las Vegas]], 1972]]<br />
<br />
<br />
''... ours is not the environment for heroic communication through pure architecture. Each medium has its day, and the rhetorical environmental statements of our time – civic, commercial, or residential – will come from media more purely symbolic, perhaps less static and more adaptable to the scale of our environment. The iconography and mixed media of roadside commercial architecture will point the way if we will look. Housing for the elderly on the Oak Street Connector, if it had to be a monument, would have been more economical, socially responsible and amenable as a conventional apartment building,lost by the side of the expressway, with a big sign on top blinking, I AM A MONUMENT. Decoration is cheaper. <br />
<br />
- Robert Venturi,"Learning From Las Vegas," 1972''<br />
<br />
<br />
----<br />
[[Image:Vegas strip.jpg|thumb|right|The Upper Strip Looking North]]<br />
[[Image:Normal wedding-chapel-las-vegas.jpg|thumb|right|A Vegas chapel: function legitimated through semiotics]]<br />
<br />
When Robert Venturi looked to the vernacular architecture on the Las Vegas strip in the late 1960's, he saw a resurrection of symbolism in the built environment that had seemed destined for extinction in the wake of architectural modernism. Whereas the Bauhaus' legacy in modernism had stripped buildings of ornament in an attempt to unify form with function, Venturi was amazed to find a Las Vegas strip dotted with generic buildings differentiated only by elaborate ornamental signs designating the unique functions and identities of otherwise identical spaces. <br />
<br />
The Vegas strip not only violated a progression away from decoration (which led many to credit Venturi's text as the first postmodern architectural manifesto) but brought more clearly into focus the impact of the automobile upon architecture that needed to be identified from greater distances over shorter durations of time. Whereas the heroic communication of pure architecture had in the past led to forms and facades which - albeit imperfectly - communicated the activities contained within them, Venturi noted that in a land of highways and commercial strips the same system of (road) signs that enabled standardized navigation of an entire continent also enabled a faster recognition of the buildings and spaces one passed by. The vital necessity of introducing semiotic distinctions between buildings exemplified the spatial distortions that accompany accelerated movement and the distribution of communities across expanding territories.<br />
<br />
Whereas the built environment brought countless aspects of human activity into existence by anchoring them in physical space, what Venturi exposed was the cultural appropriation of semiotic systems to designate spaces whose distinctive architecture had not yet been invented. In his iconic “Recommendation for a monument” his sarcastic suggestion that decoration upon generic form was the most ethical and economic method of design, exposed the complete lack of subtlety in designs that managed to serve specific functions in the absence of architectural innovation. Rather than create a home for new human activity, it was clear that one need only name a space in order for it to serve a specific function. Although modular, multipurpose, space had been realized long ago behind the glass curtain walls of modern skyscapers, after 1972, one could not escape the vulgar conclusion that the space itself was a nostalgic theatre enabling the suspension of disbelief which designated the offices of one box from the warehouse or monument of another.<br />
<br />
In essence, symbolism had invaded space rendering residual communicative modalities in architectural form (the steeple, the column, the storefront) which directed activities within them unnecessary. In a traditional town one might recognize a church by a steeple, and civic institutions by classical architecture – but in Las Vegas one needed only to read a sign that read “CHAPEL” and a marriage could be performed. Resistance to the glass curtain and the modernist box need not be overcome by a radical re-education of a public in modernist aesthetics, but by the complete removal of ambiguity through the ultimate abstraction of the sign. Buildings had entered a realm of mediation, and the Las Vegas strip presented an intermediate phenomenon whereby one could could navigate a foreign landscape and locate a desired service or commodity in spite of all unfamiliarity with the landscape itself. <br />
<br />
Venturi's Monument, like a Vegas chapel, anticipates the remediation of spatial phenomena in immaterial spaces and illustrates that function itself is not material, but something performed by actors engaged in a collective fiction. Once it was plainly clear that all the world was a stage, it followed that with the proper, scripting, semiotic device, the market no longer needed to be a specific locality in order to function as a market.<br />
----<br />
<br />
= Market as Stage: A comparison of three Stock Markets=<br />
<br />
NASDAQ [[Image:Nasdaq0952.jpg|thumb|right|NASDAQ's only physical manifestations are purely symbolic, they fully realize Venturi's conception of an alternative medium housing the functions that previously required a complex and unique architecture]]<br />
<br />
On February 8, 1971, a year prior to Venturi's publication of "Learning From Las Vegas," the world witnessed the birth of the first purely electronic stock market, NASDAQ. In contrast to traditional stock markets, NASDAQ's elimination of a trading floor helped to minimize the spread between the bid price and the ask price of a stock through it's computer bulletin board system. Although the market initially did not connect buyers and sellers directly, it presented a successor to over-the-counter finance and introduced a market function that did not depend on person to person trade. NASDAQ initially relied upon the use of telephones to connect buyers, brokers and sellers, yet currently relies upon electronic communication networks. As the world's largest stock market, in terms of companies listed and trades per day, NASDAQ is a functioning market without the spatial enclosure of a market, a product of the information age, and a phenomenon which illuminates the theatrical gestures elsewhere to preserve and exhibit a non-essential spatiality.<br />
<br />
The New York Stock Exchange [[Image:TRADING floor 042007.jpg|thumb|right|Chaos on the NYSE trading floor constitutes genuine trading activity kept alive through the hybrid market's "cake mix effect"]]<br />
<br />
Although the New York Stock exchange no longer engages in over-the-counter trading, its trading floor is a bustling theatre of trading activity. The floor itself might be seen as an obsolescent inefficiency, yet it is worth noting that in dollar volume, the NYSE remains a larger market than the NASDAQ despite having less listings. The NYSE is called a hybrid market because customers are given the choice of whether to send orders for immediate electronic execution or whether to submit an order to the trading floor for trading in the auction market. The preservation of human interaction on the floor itself seems to embody a nostalgia inherent in "the cake mix effect" whereby the efficiency of a sequence is interrupted by redundant steps as a defense from the obsolescence of a sequence understood to have cultural value. The floor is a tradition that is alive and well, yet this phenomenon eludes the mere prerequisite of market function, effectively defending a culture whose continued presence preserves an illusion that the market is still a market.<br />
<br />
<br />
The Shanghai Stock Exchange [[Image:Xin 09020401155645001043.jpg|thumb|right|The empty trading floor in Shanghai]]<br />
<br />
In perhaps the most bizarre isolation of medium from message at a time when the space of a trading floor is obsolescent, the Shanghai Stock Exchange, though entirely electronic like NASDAQ, has a trading floor which serves no market function in performance or otherwise. As a relatively new market, the physicality of a trading floor lends authority to the electronic transactions which occur in reference to it, yet it simultaneously sits as the vacant theatre of a performance which never took place. Whereas the NYSE might be understood as a monument to trading which lays claim to cultural capital and ensures continued longevity, the Shanghai Stock Exchange physical existence seems in contrast to be legitimizing a market dependent upon foreign investors that equate the physical market with a "real" market worthy of investment. The market extends Robert Venturi's visual joke into unexpected territory, announcing "I AM A MARKET" in spite of foreign anxieties which might argue otherwise.<br />
<br />
= The Market as an Object of Representation and Modeling=<br />
This section will look at how the market as an object was subsumed by "the economy," following Timothy Mitchell's argument in his article, "Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century". Mitchell argues that the objectification of the market and the economy is accomplished by economic, econometric, and governmental attempts to keep track of monetary exchange. In other words, measurements of the market serve to constitute the object they seek to measure (Mitchell 2005). Following Mitchell's argument and drawing from Randy Martin's book, ''An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management'', we propose that the death of the market as a media object was accomplished by the same process that made it; measurements of market activity become the condition of possibility for this activity in such a way that measuring and regulatory acts become immanent to actual commodities. Commodities now no longer need the frame of the market to act as a structure, providing the affordances and prohibitions of exchange. Now these regulatory/technical capacities are embedded in commodities such as derivatives and securities, as Randy Martin demonstrates.<br />
<br />
== The Market as a Medium ==<br />
<br />
In addition to asking how the market comes to be an object, it is relevant for this project to ask, to what extent can the market be characterized as a medium? And, insofar as it is a medium, to what extent can the market be characterized as a dead medium?<br />
<br />
In order to answer these questions, one must consider different definitions and uses of the word, market.<br />
<br />
1) Fernand Braudel defines the market as that which mediates between material life and economic life. This understanding is obsolete because the possibility of mediation requires a prior separation between the two entities--in this case material and economic life--being mediated. A Marxist reading of capitalism, especially as it was taken up by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics, suggests that material and economic life are no longer separate, that the economy has become a condition of possibility for material life, and is therefore immanent to it. The market as a medium in this regard is dead.<br />
<br />
2) The market can also refer to a physical place where commodities are exchanged, as in a marketplace. This is similar to Mitchell's discussion of the market before the use of the word economy to refer to an object of economic analysis. This market is an inert space where the lives of people and the fruits of the land interact. In this case it is a passive medium through which commodities are exchanged. The message being mediated is the trade between the commodity and money, but the marketplace does not mediate this message. The medium is actually the socially agreed up or legal rules that determine the contract of exchange. It is these rules that construct the space as a market, and it has been proven that exchange can happen without being enclosed in a spatial entity determined to be a marketplace. The market as a spatial entity is dead insofar as merchants and buyers no longer have to go to a physical place to engage in acts of exchange. The contracts determining an act of exchange do not require all parties to be in the same place, and with the internet, parties engaged in an act of exchange to do not have to make contact at the same time. <br />
<br />
It is even necessary to consider the death of exchange, for exchange implies that all parties lose one object (either a commodity or money) and gain another. However, value is now generated from situations of loss and lack, and from the differentials between predicted prices (See section entitled "Investing in Risk" below). '''It may be now be possible to talk about a production of value independent of exchange.''' <br />
<br />
3) The market is also a conceptual category referring to a specific type of commodity that can be bought and sold (i.e., the job market, the stock market). The stipulation is that there has to be more than one seller offering the commodity to at least one buyer. The sellers exist in a market competing for the buyers, who can choose between them. In this case the competitive conditions impact the price. In this way There is argument about whether this type of free market in which prices are determined by supply and demand under conditions of competition is alive or dead. Manuel DeLanda argues that capitalism is an anti-market because price is regulated by factors other than supply and demand in a competitive market; in other words, price is imposed from outside the market (DeLanda, Markets and Antimarkets in the World Economy).<br />
<br />
4) Another meaning for the word market is an aggregate of economic exchange in a given totality, such as "the U.S. market". Mitchell argues that the market in this definition is an object of calculation and analysis, and that therefore the acts of objectification comprise the object we know as the market. According to Mitchell, "the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism" (Mitchell 2007, 7). By this logic, capitalism is a sort of matrix or substrate made of the technical enactment of boundaries between inside and outside. The boundary-making itself is the substance of capitalism. This speaks to McCluhan's famous statement that "the medium is message". In this case the analysis of markets become the condition of possibility for markets, and this condition of possibility is the actual medium. <br />
<br />
The question remains, what message is being mediated here. Mitchell's analysis serves to show that the market is not actually a bounded object, and because of this we can presuppose autonomy for any entities between which the market mediates. The market is no longer a medium.<br />
<br />
== The Market as an Organic Body ==<br />
<br />
In Braudel's definition of the market, his use of the term "economic life" implies that economic activity is alive, or that it is a site where life happens. Timothy Mitchell finds that dominant ideas of the market before the 1930s treated it as an aggregate of life forces, or "individual utilities" (Mitchell 2005, 129). The Malthusian relationship between land fertility and population size comprised the object of analysis as "an organic world of human settlement, agriculture, and the movement of populations, goods, and wealth" (Mitchell 2005, 128). <br />
<br />
Towards the end of the 1800s, the idea of the market as a separate surface began, but it was not yet a "self-contained sphere, imagined as machine whose internal mechanisms and exchanges separate it from other social processes (Mitchell 2005, 128). Rather, "The object of analysis was made up of forces, conceived as individual utilities, that were assumed to be in balance. The site of this mechanical equilibrium was 'the market'.... As a neutral, planar surface, the market of neoclassical economics had no depth, no dynamic structure, no forces of its own, no 'macro' dimension that could be described apart from the individual utilities that moved across it. It was an inert, unmoving space" (Mitchell 2005, 129). In this characterization, the market was not seen as a system. It was rather a space that could be filled with individual energy; this is quite different from the current idea of "the economy" as a thermodynamic system in which the whole exerts force onto each of the parts. In this older conception of the market, the equilibrium of individual forces was not imposed by a greater whole, but seemed to arise naturally. <br />
<br />
Mitchell argues that the term, "economy" was not used in its contemporary sense, as an object of economic analysis, until it was actually taken as an object of economic analysis by econometrics in the 1930s. This was around the same time John Maynard Keynes began to refer to "the economic system as a whole" (Mitchell 2005, 130). Mitchell characterizes econometrics as "the attempt to create a mathematical representation of the entire economic process as a self-contained and dynamic mechanism" (Mitchell 2005, 131). At this point the dynamism of the economy incorporates or subsumes a collection of markets into itself. Economic processes are seen as a totality and it is possible to distinguish between that which is internal and that which is external to this totality. External forces impact the economy, causing "reverberations throughout the internal machine" (Mitchell 2005, 133). <br />
<br />
This notion of the economy as a system seems to persist, but perhaps with an important development. It is still understood as a systemic totality, but the external forces that impact it have been subsumed into the economy (partly through the statistical measurements of aggregates and averages such as gross national product and average spending). It is understood more like an organism than a machine requiring a human laborer. Randy Martin describes this organic model: "An economy could become overheated and melt down or explode. The social sciences more generally were predicated on this image of a closed system. The system adapted to internal strains by growth and differentiation. It maintained boundaries, kept out threatening uncertainties, and externalized unintended consequences from its internal decisions" (Martin, 28-29).<br />
<br />
=== The Death of Equilibrium/Equilibrium as Death ===<br />
<br />
Organic models of systems describe systems as thermodynamic, operating like a thermostat that adjusts to external stimuli, or adapts external stimuli to it, in such a way that the system maintains equilibrium. Business cycle models of the market speak the language of thermodynamics because the market returns to the same stages each time it goes through a cycle. However, some contemporary critiques of capitalism argue that capitalism operates more as a ''state'' of instability than a ''system'' at equilibrium (See Clough 2007). <br />
<br />
Randy Martin looks at this problem of equilibrium/disequilibrium in terms of the financial logic of risk that, he argues, has permeated economic thinking and has defined the subject as an investor. Martin traces the U.S.'s switch from a creditor to a debtor nation in the 1980s, when the nation began to operate through consumption without production. During this time risk became a sign of strength and power and the need for stability was a sign of weakness, now associated with the third world (Martin, 28). Being in debt, which used to be a sign of weakness, became a source of value. Debt is repackaged into securities. <br />
<br />
Beginning in the late 1970s after the U.S. dollar was delinked from the gold standard, "monetary movement was being freed to spread the wealth. Equilibrium-- key to Bretton Woods and early monetarist currency controls-- was no longer a condition of exchange. The dollar's spread, the expansion of debt and speculation, fostered disequilibrium and its attendant risks as a new horizon of opportunity. Fixing exchange to a physical standard perpetuated the image of the economy as a closed system. It could grow in proportion to the balance of inputs and outputs" (Martin, 29). According to Martin, money's attachment to the gold standard provided a kind of mystification that had a performative function; it created a "system-based moral and political economy" that was then overtaken by financial reason: in Martin's words, "when the investor who knows no country elbowed out the consumer-citizen of the nation-state, the organic closed system, result of the social sciences' unacknowledged metaphorizing of the social, was morphing into a different kind of beast" (Martin, 29). The a delinking of the subject from the nation-state goes hand-in-hand with the advent of the investor, who is a self-managing risk-taker. <br />
<br />
Within this finance economy, speculation is the only way to thrive economically, and speculation relies on both present and future instability and unpredictability (for more on unpredictability, see Clough). It is the very lack of predictability of capitalism that makes speculation such a profitable game; if the economy were truly predictable, than there would be no competition for correct guesses and measurements, and a securities package would not be a commodity.<br />
<br />
'''Futurity in the Present'''<br />
<br />
Another way to probe this idea of the death of the market as a system at equilibrium is to think about the non-linear time made possible by predictions. As Martin illustrates in his discussion of derivatives, they are a way of turning the unknown future into a value-generating product in the present. Luciana Parisi and Steve Goodman argue that the eruption of branding as a value-generating device is also a way of actualizing the future in the present: "In its infinite differentiation of product ranges, branding plays with a combination of familiarity plus novelty, a ''past-futurity''. New memories installed that you have not phenomenologically experienced in order to produce a certain receptivity to brand triggers" (Parisi and Goodman, Pnemonic Control 2006). This is one way in which Clough et. al argues that capitalism can no longer be described as an enclosed system, because of its openness to different temporalities.<br />
<br />
== New Encodings ==<br />
<br />
A capitalist market needs to have what Timothy Mitchell calls an "apparatus of representation" in order to convert material into abstract capital. He argues that failing capitalist economies differ from their succeeding counterparts because of how their wealth is held, not because of how much wealth they have. It is a matter of coding material into a symbolic system: "Representations of material goods transform their value into abstract forms, which can live an 'invisible, parallel life' alongside their physical existence. The West has invented procedures to create these invisible forms. Individuals in the West can unlock the assets accumulated in physical property, transforming material wealth into abstract capital" (Mitchell 2007, 9). <br />
<br />
Evidence of this claim lies in how markets and nonmarkets are distinguished by economists: "...in describing what this nonmarket world lacks, neoclassical economics tends to diagnose its defects as an absence of techniques of representation. Things are stuck outside the market because they are not properly represented-- by property records, prices, or other systems of reference. What economic analysis does, however, is not to represent what was previously unrepresented, but to try and reorganize the circulation and control of representations" (Mitchell 2007, 7). This circulation of representations is not only happening in the realm of the social sciences, but is an economic circulation. In fact, a derivative can be described as a packaged representation of a fluctuation in price that can be bought and sold as a commodity. This exemplifies the way in which value is generated by coding, not merely by quantities of material wealth. Perhaps this can be seen as a kind of self-coding, or immanent coding. (This discussion is raised in Clough et. al in terms of matter's capacity to self-form and how this is taken up by capitalism.)<br />
<br />
=== Coding of Risk, Instability ===<br />
<br />
How shall we understand market activity after the market is no longer an object? Instead of coding material goods as valuable (Mitchell, 2007), Randy Martin argues that capitalism is following a financial logic which extracts value by predicting future price fluctuations, interest rates, exchange rates, and packages this risk into new kinds of commodities, such as derivatives and securities. According to Martin, "Properly ascertained risk, not growth per se, is what yields rewards. The trade in risk avoidance devolves into a profit on risk itself" (Martin, 33).<br />
<br />
==== Derivatives ====<br />
<br />
A derivative is a contract on "some variation in price" (Martin, 31). EXAMPLE: "a firm selling a product overseas that will not be deliverable for several years will create a contract to fix currency exchange rates for the time when the product is finished. The expected difference between current and future exchange rates can then be sold as a separate commodity" (Martin, 31). "A similar contract could hedge against a change in interest rates, or the price of raw materials, or delivery costs" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
<br />
"Derivatives remove reference from the commodity. They allow debt to serve as a productive medium from which countless commodities can be spawned. Derivatives are promissory notes issued between firms. They represent a prime vehicle with which industrial corporations undertake the function of banks by engaging in financial services." (Martin, 31)<br />
<br />
"The derivative is a sign of the shift in the beneficiaries of development from populations or nations to other economic actors. Those who can steward risk will advance....The capacity for financial decision making trumps democratic involvement to decide political representation" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
==== Securities ====<br />
<br />
<br />
Spatial Representation''':<br />
<br />
The purpose of any space is determined by both the symbols used to<br />
designate where one is (ie an open for business sign), and the<br />
practices that take place there. In "Learning From Las Vegas," Robert<br />
Venturi takes a close look at how the Vegas Strip (in the late 60's)<br />
consisted of buildings that were differentiated primarily by flashy<br />
signs decorating unoriginal buildings (what he called the "decorated<br />
shed." He traced the phenomenon to the impact of speed on<br />
architecture - mainly that in a landscape where one drives past<br />
buildings, signs enable one to differentiate one space from another at<br />
a faster speed than differentiated architectures could (which is why<br />
signs matter so much for businesses on highways).<br />
<br />
What makes this so interesting is that when semiotics are reintroduced<br />
into architecture, communicating the specific use of a generic space,<br />
buildings enter a mediated realm - And I think that's key here - that<br />
when people believe they're in a market when they see a "market" sign,<br />
it enables the use of a spatial semiotic to successfully mediate the<br />
entire space provided that the same activity occurs - which is really<br />
just to say that the Las Vegas strip is this intermediate phenomenon<br />
whereby we all can find what we want in foreign places, and that's<br />
precisely the mechanism by which we can create a market without the<br />
actual space of a market (a shopping cart icon does the trick!).<br />
<br />
'''Immanent Representation''':<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
Braudel, Fernand. 1982. The wheels of commerce. New York: Harper & Row.<br />
<br />
Buck-Morss, Susan. Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display. Critical Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter, 1995), pp. 434-467. The University of Chicago Press<br />
<br />
Clough, Patricia, et. al. 2007. Notes Towards a Theory of Affect Itself. ''ephemera: theory and politics in organization''. 7(1):60-77.<br />
<br />
Ewen, Stuart & Ewen, Elizabeth, Channels of Desire: Mass Images and the Shaping of American Consciousness, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1992, pp. 23-52.<br />
<br />
Jameson Fredric, “Culture and Finance Capital,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1, (1997 ), pp. 246-265. <br />
<br />
Martin, Randy. 2007. An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management. Durham and London: Duke University Press.<br />
<br />
Massumi, Brian. The Future Birth of the Affective Fact. DATE JOURNAL<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. 2005. Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century. ''The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences: Positivism and its Epistemological Others'', edited by George Steinmetz.<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. [From an early version of the following paper.] 2007. The Properties of Markets. ''Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics''. Edited by Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />
<br />
Venturi, Robert, Denise Scott Brown and Steve Izenour, Learning From Las Vegas: The Forgotten Symbolism of Architectural Form, Cambridge: MIT Press 1972.<br />
<br />
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Braudel on Capitalism, or Everything Upside Down” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 2, A Special Issue on Modern France (Jun., 1991), pp. 354-361</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=The_Market&diff=4659The Market2008-04-16T19:13:07Z<p>Samhan: /* References */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Image:Shopping Cart.jpg]]<br />
<br />
In this dossier's engagement with the intersection of the built and mediated environment, we interpret Marshall McLuhan's argument that the remediation process whereby one medium survives as the content of another is the preservation of a distinct ''function'' in the midst of informatic and material transformation. This is not to suggest any predetermined trajectory of cultural obsolescence whereby a pre-existing function is stripped of cultural obstacles in its way, but rather to note that, ''in hindsight, content's transformative mechanism of appropriation enables us to examine behavioral systems, and the environment that housed them, as dead media,'' and that such dead media provide insights into a story of the concentration and distillation of culture into the symbolic content of later media which house cultural remains. <br />
<br />
Within the larger discussion of critical techniques this Archive attempts to employ, this dossier might also best be understood as an attempt to bridge our understanding of the isolation of <br />
medium from message (in the Hermes model) with our understanding of the communicative properties of materials which exhibit no such fragmentation (in the Iris model), as well as the rhizomatic, independent, message function that, in its ubiquitous employabilty, conforms to no specific medium (the Furies model). Far from suggesting an evolutionary hierarchy towards the immaterial, the market may, however, provide deeper insights into our understanding of the remediating processes at work in each of the three. <br />
<br />
We trace the process whereby the concentration of trading behavior and its eventual standardization was enabled by its enclosure in the space of the market, and the processes whereby this concentration separated market activity from a distinct built environment, isolating a function which is non-physical and anticipates the remediation of the market in the scripting content of immaterial spaces. Although we make no attempt to argue that physical market sites no longer exist, we do attempt to expose the informatic and material shifts that have obsolesced such physical environments, rendering the built environments that remain stages which serve a social function that is, in itself, a commodity. We identify the legacy of this fragmentation in the built environment and in the spaces which now bear witness to the market function in unexpected forms, yet we hope that future contributions will enrich and complicate the conceptual and mediatic transformations that accompanied the resurrection of symbolism in architecture.<br />
<br />
[[Image:Colourful shopping carts.jpg|thumb|right| What was once a spatial locality with a distinct form and use is now pure function with no distinct materiality]] [[Image:TUR1491SpiceBazaar.jpg]] <br />
<br />
=The History of Exchange= <br />
<br />
<br />
==The Market in Capitalism==<br />
<br />
===What is a market?===<br />
Is there such thing as a "pre-capitalist" market? To posit a pre-“anything” is to argue an implicit periodization of a concept. And undoubtedly, to suggest that there was a mode of representation or media such as “the market” so entrenched within the cultural values and practices of capitalism that preceded it, would also then require some explaining. Thankfully, in this task, we follow historian Fernand Braudel, who has undertaken massive volumes of study in this area. The trajectory of Braudel’s project, in line with his Annales colleagues more generally, is to provide a historiography of capitalism does not reify the very object of analysis—the ever-expanding, seemingly amoebic process called capitalism, which Marx himself referred to as comparable to “queer things abounding.” The danger would be to overlook how the market embodies the shifting historic-economic transition from merchant to industrial to finance capitalism. <br />
<br />
With respect to Marx and the present study at hand, it could be argued that Marx dealt the strongest blow the concept of the market as a fixed, spatial location of exchange; so why even proceed? Well, indeed, “the market” as a spatial category very much plays a large part in various spheres of life, most pressingly the cultural, social and political. Moreover, many scholars, Frederic Jameson most famously, have even suggested that the economic has fallen to the level of culture (See Jameson). In such arguments, there is an assumed de-differentiation of previously separate spheres. The guiding question in this section will be (roughly): How did the market become differentiated in the first place?<br />
<br />
===Braudel's Typology===<br />
1.All of types of exchange that go beyond self-sufficiency, of all the wheels of trade, large and small, that we have described, of all the categories relating to trading areas (urban market, national market) or to a given product (the market in sugar, precious metals, spices etc.). In this sense the word is the equivalent of exchange, circulation and distribution. <br />
<br />
2.Large broad form of exchange, also known as market economy.<br />
<br />
==The Market as Interface of Digital and Analog==<br />
Braudel makes a distinction between “material life” and “economic life,” suggesting that the market, stalls and shops form a discontinuous contact surface between the two. By “material life” he means the most elementary, autarkic societies and by “economic life” he means commerce, currencies, and exchanges (Braudel, 21). Hence, the market is a medium in the sense that it translates the “non-economy, imprisoned within self-sufficiency” to the level of “exchange-“or “market-value.” The discontinuity, for Braudel, is clearly rooted his positing some sort of non-economy that precedes full-blown capitalism. In other words, Braudel envisions precapitalist market as being discontinuous and spontaneous whereas the “true capitalist” market becomes continuous and permanently reified as “the market.” Is this distinction between discontinuity and continuity also that of digital and analog? Here, it can be argued that Braudel’s point is a bit nostalgic. That is to say, that Braudel’s overarching project to delink what he calls “economic life” from capitalism, which he sometimes refers to as “true capitalism”(Wallerstein, 354) necessitates a level of fixity in what he calls a market (as opposed to anti-market). Immanuel Wallerstein helps us understand this part of Braudel very clearly. He suggests that that Braudel makes a clear distinction between “economic life” and “material life.” Economic life moves out of the unconscious routine of the daily life towards a more conscious and active process of the division of labor (Wallerstein, 355). Framed within admittedly fraught distinction between continuous/discontinuous, we can suggest that for Braudel the material life is analog; hence unconscious, though nevertheless full of regularities. Economic life, that is “true capitalist” life, is too then perceivably analog as it is an instrumental, goal-oriented activity of production bounded in the smoothness of consciousness. But indeed, the market is that which interfaces and mediates the economic life into material life. In addition, Wallerstein suggests that Braudel sees that market economy as transparent, whereas material life (below) and economic life (above) are shadowy and opaque, in contrast. However, the zone above, on the other hand, (the economy) the zone of capitalism, was opaque, in this case because capitalists wanted it so. It was a zone in which “certain groups of privileged actors were engaged in circuits and calculations that ordinary people knew nothing of” (Braudel as quoted in Wallerstein, 355). Thus, in this mediation, there is a “blackboxing” of the guts of exchange. The market economy (or the antimarket) does not show the immanent negotiation of the market transaction, and indeed the fixing of the market-price. Price control, which Susan Buck-Morss rightly notes becomes the representational bottom-line of the market (Buck-Morss, 463). <br />
<br />
(The specific definition of the market is rendered even in the layout of the three volumes of Braudel’s Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century.) Against Polanyi, he argues that “the market” as a vital component of the “market economy” is a consolidation, rationalization and even remediation of practices or instruments of exchange, which existed centuries prior to the 15th century, when we see the emergence of the ordinary market (e.g., the farmer’s market). The farmer’s market is characterized by what Braudel labels “immediate exchange,” describing it as such: “goods are sold on the spot, the purchases are taken and paid for there and then. Credit is hardly used…”(Ibid., 29). Immediate exchange had been practiced centuries or millennia before in ancient Greece, classical China, the Americas (Aztecs) and all over Africa. <br />
<br />
==Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange==<br />
In the 15th century, markets were held twice a week in towns and urban centers in theory only. Especially in cities such as Paris, markets were held daily. The twice-a-week rule was not so much an effect of regulation but of necessity, as the surrounding countryside needed time to supply them. During the 17th century, the shift from being held in between town and countryside to being held at the heart of towns, usually in the town squares. As towns continued to grow in size, so did the markets, to the point where the tiny town squares could no longer accommodate the number of vendors coming to sell their goods. Here are Braudel’s words: “And since they [markets] represented modernity on the march, their growth allowed no obstacle to bar their way: they could with impunity impose on their surroundings their congestion, their rubbish and their obstinate gatherings of people” (Braudel, 31). The solution adopted was that of banishing them to the outskirts of town. However, as a reaction against this measure, markets would appear as open spaces would open up, especially seasonally with the freezing over of rivers, on which goods could be brought back and forth via sled. Braudel recounts two such examples—Moscow’s Moscova river and London’s Thames. The latter is most famously represented in the adjoining engraving. <br />
[[Image:FaironThames.jpg|thumb|left|Fair on Thames 1683. Literally bad weather]]<br />
<br />
===Enclosing and Encoding the Market===<br />
Markets existed in very ancient times within a single village or group of villages—the market being a sort of itinerant village, as the fair was a sort of traveling town. But the decisive step in this long history was taken when the town appropriated these little markets. It absorbed them and inflated them to its own dimensions, in return having to accept the demands they made on it. <br />
<br />
The urban markets may have been invented by the Phoenicians. The Greek city-states had a market on the agora. The proliferation of markets beyond the town squares elicited a response by towns to take regulatory measures, the most significant of which was the construction of covered markets (halls or halles), at times surrounded by open-air markets (Braudel, 33). In the 16th century, the towns and cities of England saw a series of markethalls with different names spring up, often at the experience of a wealthy local merchant disposed to be generous. The word halle could mean several things then, from a simple covered market to the mighty buildings and complicated organizations of the Halles which were from a very early date ‘the belly of Paris.’ What is of note is that these were mostly permanent and specialized. London, for example, by 1660, halls had “full-time employees, and a whole complicated administration” (Braudel, 33). <br />
[[Image:Halle.jpg |thumb|left|Halles in Britanny, late 16th century]]<br />
The Halles was a huge combination of covered spaces and open spaces, its pillars holding up the arcades of neighboring houses, and surrounded by a bustling commercial life on the fringes of the central market, taking advantage of the disorder and sprawl and creating more of both to its own profit. Additionally, it marked the beginning of the usage of the term “market” as associated with a specific good such as “labor market.” Though it seems like a minor detail in the history of commerce, the covering of markets, we would argue, is a major turning-point or "break boundary" as "the system generated by the artifact suddenly changes into another or passes some point of no return in its dynamic processes" (quoted from Critical Techniques page). Once markets were covered and centralized, we see that the political interventions on markets would follow to delimit the contingent and spontaneous nature of markets. <br />
<br />
[[Image:Markettownsinwales.jpg|thumb|right| 800 Market Towns in England/Wales 1500-1640]]<br />
With the springing of markets all over various cities, towns began to intervene, once again, through spatial restrictions. London, again, provides a very enlightening example for Braudel. With the London market came the dislocation of the traditional market (public, nothing could be concealed), producer-vendor and buyer-consumer meet face to face. The distance between the two was becoming too great to be traveled by ordinary people. The merchant, or middleman, had already, from at least the thirteenth century, made his appearance in England, as a go-between for town and country, in particular in the corn trade. Gradually, chains of intermediaries were set up between producer and merchant on one hand, and between merchant and retailer on the other; along these chains passed the bulk of the trade in butter, cheese, poultry produce, fruit, vegetables and milk (Braudel, 42). Moreover, beyond goods of produce and industry (mostly crafts), land also became traded on the market. The market is then, in turn, a coterminous concept with “commodity,” as it becomes a facilitating medium for commodities. It becomes the connection, or encoding interface by which the commodity could be transformed from use-value to exchange-value. By encoding, I mean to suggest that the market becomes part of the grammar of commodities in market capitalism. How this functions I would argue is that the market becomes the system of rationality that is able to bring within a bounded geographical and symbolic system, effectively doing away with the barter system of mercantilism, and instating a mode of representation with its unit of measurement being the commodity. After it is enclosed and encoded, the market becomes the sole means by which to exchange, thus acting as a formal prohibition for all economic activity. Markets become the dominant economic media. <br />
The market then is the condition of possibility for commodities, but “the null point of social community (Buck-Morss, 437). Susan Buck-Morss goes so far as to argue that the market then elicits a certain mode of subjectivity that undergirds the market and commodity—the economic actor that is a, harkening back to the Freudian theory of human as a “bundle of instincts,” a “bounded rationality” (Buck-Morss, 466). Bounded rationality for Buck-Morss, is indicative of the effects of market-encoding or market-modeling that points towards the “depersonalization of exchange” (Buck-Morss, 437).<br />
<br />
=Theatricality in the creation of a consuming subject=<br />
<br />
Although there is much disagreement as to when consumer culture emerged fully formed, it is clear that the social transformation that accompanied its arrival required an unprecedented effort to pursuade individuals to consume as a way of life. The combined forces of advertising, branding and strategic exhibition of foreign objects, colluded in an elaborate performance which sought to embed curiosity in consuming subjects eager to witness the magic of a marketplace disrupting traditional social fabric. Although<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=Semiotics in the Liberation of Function from Form=<br />
[[Image:Monument.jpg|right|thumb|Robert Venturi's "Recommendation for a monument" from [[Learning From Las Vegas]], 1972]]<br />
<br />
<br />
''... ours is not the environment for heroic communication through pure architecture. Each medium has its day, and the rhetorical environmental statements of our time – civic, commercial, or residential – will come from media more purely symbolic, perhaps less static and more adaptable to the scale of our environment. The iconography and mixed media of roadside commercial architecture will point the way if we will look. Housing for the elderly on the Oak Street Connector, if it had to be a monument, would have been more economical, socially responsible and amenable as a conventional apartment building,lost by the side of the expressway, with a big sign on top blinking, I AM A MONUMENT. Decoration is cheaper. <br />
<br />
- Robert Venturi,"Learning From Las Vegas," 1972''<br />
<br />
<br />
----<br />
[[Image:Vegas strip.jpg|thumb|right|The Upper Strip Looking North]]<br />
[[Image:Normal wedding-chapel-las-vegas.jpg|thumb|right|A Vegas chapel: function legitimated through semiotics]]<br />
<br />
When Robert Venturi looked to the vernacular architecture on the Las Vegas strip in the late 1960's, he saw a resurrection of symbolism in the built environment that had seemed destined for extinction in the wake of architectural modernism. Whereas the Bauhaus' legacy in modernism had stripped buildings of ornament in an attempt to unify form with function, Venturi was amazed to find a Las Vegas strip dotted with generic buildings differentiated only by elaborate ornamental signs designating the unique functions and identities of otherwise identical spaces. <br />
<br />
The Vegas strip not only violated a progression away from decoration (which led many to credit Venturi's text as the first postmodern architectural manifesto) but brought more clearly into focus the impact of the automobile upon architecture that needed to be identified from greater distances over shorter durations of time. Whereas the heroic communication of pure architecture had in the past led to forms and facades which - albeit imperfectly - communicated the activities contained within them, Venturi noted that in a land of highways and commercial strips the same system of (road) signs that enabled standardized navigation of an entire continent also enabled a faster recognition of the buildings and spaces one passed by. The vital necessity of introducing semiotic distinctions between buildings exemplified the spatial distortions that accompany accelerated movement and the distribution of communities across expanding territories.<br />
<br />
Whereas the built environment brought countless aspects of human activity into existence by anchoring them in physical space, what Venturi exposed was the cultural appropriation of semiotic systems to designate spaces whose distinctive architecture had not yet been invented. In his iconic “Recommendation for a monument” his sarcastic suggestion that decoration upon generic form was the most ethical and economic method of design, exposed the complete lack of subtlety in designs that managed to serve specific functions in the absence of architectural innovation. Rather than create a home for new human activity, it was clear that one need only name a space in order for it to serve a specific function. Although modular, multipurpose, space had been realized long ago behind the glass curtain walls of modern skyscapers, after 1972, one could not escape the vulgar conclusion that the space itself was a nostalgic theatre enabling the suspension of disbelief which designated the offices of one box from the warehouse or monument of another.<br />
<br />
In essence, symbolism had invaded space rendering residual communicative modalities in architectural form (the steeple, the column, the storefront) which directed activities within them unnecessary. In a traditional town one might recognize a church by a steeple, and civic institutions by classical architecture – but in Las Vegas one needed only to read a sign that read “CHAPEL” and a marriage could be performed. Resistance to the glass curtain and the modernist box need not be overcome by a radical re-education of a public in modernist aesthetics, but by the complete removal of ambiguity through the ultimate abstraction of the sign. Buildings had entered a realm of mediation, and the Las Vegas strip presented an intermediate phenomenon whereby one could could navigate a foreign landscape and locate a desired service or commodity in spite of all unfamiliarity with the landscape itself. <br />
<br />
Venturi's Monument, like a Vegas chapel, anticipates the remediation of spatial phenomena in immaterial spaces and illustrates that function itself is not material, but something performed by actors engaged in a collective fiction. Once it was plainly clear that all the world was a stage, it followed that with the proper, scripting, semiotic device, the market no longer needed to be a specific locality in order to function as a market.<br />
----<br />
<br />
= Market as Stage: A comparison of three Stock Markets=<br />
<br />
NASDAQ [[Image:Nasdaq0952.jpg|thumb|right|NASDAQ's only physical manifestations are purely symbolic, they fully realize Venturi's conception of an alternative medium housing the functions that previously required a complex and unique architecture]]<br />
<br />
On February 8, 1971, a year prior to Venturi's publication of "Learning From Las Vegas," the world witnessed the birth of the first purely electronic stock market, NASDAQ. In contrast to traditional stock markets, NASDAQ's elimination of a trading floor helped to minimize the spread between the bid price and the ask price of a stock through it's computer bulletin board system. Although the market initially did not connect buyers and sellers directly, it presented a successor to over-the-counter finance and introduced a market function that did not depend on person to person trade. NASDAQ initially relied upon the use of telephones to connect buyers, brokers and sellers, yet currently relies upon electronic communication networks. As the world's largest stock market, in terms of companies listed and trades per day, NASDAQ is a functioning market without the spatial enclosure of a market, a product of the information age, and a phenomenon which illuminates the theatrical gestures elsewhere to preserve and exhibit a non-essential spatiality.<br />
<br />
The New York Stock Exchange [[Image:TRADING floor 042007.jpg|thumb|right|Chaos on the NYSE trading floor constitutes genuine trading activity kept alive through the hybrid market's "cake mix effect"]]<br />
<br />
Although the New York Stock exchange no longer engages in over-the-counter trading, its trading floor is a bustling theatre of trading activity. The floor itself might be seen as an obsolescent inefficiency, yet it is worth noting that in dollar volume, the NYSE remains a larger market than the NASDAQ despite having less listings. The NYSE is called a hybrid market because customers are given the choice of whether to send orders for immediate electronic execution or whether to submit an order to the trading floor for trading in the auction market. The preservation of human interaction on the floor itself seems to embody a nostalgia inherent in "the cake mix effect" whereby the efficiency of a sequence is interrupted by redundant steps as a defense from the obsolescence of a sequence understood to have cultural value. The floor is a tradition that is alive and well, yet this phenomenon eludes the mere prerequisite of market function, effectively defending a culture whose continued presence preserves an illusion that the market is still a market.<br />
<br />
<br />
The Shanghai Stock Exchange [[Image:Xin 09020401155645001043.jpg|thumb|right|The empty trading floor in Shanghai]]<br />
<br />
In perhaps the most bizarre isolation of medium from message at a time when the space of a trading floor is obsolescent, the Shanghai Stock Exchange, though entirely electronic like NASDAQ, has a trading floor which serves no market function in performance or otherwise. As a relatively new market, the physicality of a trading floor lends authority to the electronic transactions which occur in reference to it, yet it simultaneously sits as the vacant theatre of a performance which never took place. Whereas the NYSE might be understood as a monument to trading which lays claim to cultural capital and ensures continued longevity, the Shanghai Stock Exchange physical existence seems in contrast to be legitimizing a market dependent upon foreign investors that equate the physical market with a "real" market worthy of investment. The market extends Robert Venturi's visual joke into unexpected territory, announcing "I AM A MARKET" in spite of foreign anxieties which might argue otherwise.<br />
<br />
= The Market as an Object of Representation and Modeling=<br />
This section will look at how the market as an object was subsumed by "the economy," following Timothy Mitchell's argument in his article, "Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century". Mitchell argues that the objectification of the market and the economy is accomplished by economic, econometric, and governmental attempts to keep track of monetary exchange. In other words, measurements of the market serve to constitute the object they seek to measure (Mitchell 2005). Following Mitchell's argument and drawing from Randy Martin's book, ''An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management'', we propose that the death of the market as a media object was accomplished by the same process that made it; measurements of market activity become the condition of possibility for this activity in such a way that measuring and regulatory acts become immanent to actual commodities. Commodities now no longer need the frame of the market to act as a structure, providing the affordances and prohibitions of exchange. Now these regulatory/technical capacities are embedded in commodities such as derivatives and securities, as Randy Martin demonstrates.<br />
<br />
== The Market as a Medium ==<br />
<br />
In addition to asking how the market comes to be an object, it is relevant for this project to ask, to what extent can the market be characterized as a medium? And, insofar as it is a medium, to what extent can the market be characterized as a dead medium?<br />
<br />
In order to answer these questions, one must consider different definitions and uses of the word, market.<br />
<br />
1) Fernand Braudel defines the market as that which mediates between material life and economic life. This understanding is obsolete because the possibility of mediation requires a prior separation between the two entities--in this case material and economic life--being mediated. A Marxist reading of capitalism, especially as it was taken up by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics, suggests that material and economic life are no longer separate, that the economy has become a condition of possibility for material life, and is therefore immanent to it. The market as a medium in this regard is dead.<br />
<br />
2) The market can also refer to a physical place where commodities are exchanged, as in a marketplace. This is similar to Mitchell's discussion of the market before the use of the word economy to refer to an object of economic analysis. This market is an inert space where the lives of people and the fruits of the land interact. In this case it is a passive medium through which commodities are exchanged. The message being mediated is the trade between the commodity and money, but the marketplace does not mediate this message. The medium is actually the socially agreed up or legal rules that determine the contract of exchange. It is these rules that construct the space as a market, and it has been proven that exchange can happen without being enclosed in a spatial entity determined to be a marketplace. The market as a spatial entity is dead insofar as merchants and buyers no longer have to go to a physical place to engage in acts of exchange. The contracts determining an act of exchange do not require all parties to be in the same place, and with the internet, parties engaged in an act of exchange to do not have to make contact at the same time. <br />
<br />
It is even necessary to consider the death of exchange, for exchange implies that all parties lose one object (either a commodity or money) and gain another. However, value is now generated from situations of loss and lack, and from the differentials between predicted prices (See section entitled "Investing in Risk" below). '''It may be now be possible to talk about a production of value independent of exchange.''' <br />
<br />
3) The market is also a conceptual category referring to a specific type of commodity that can be bought and sold (i.e., the job market, the stock market). The stipulation is that there has to be more than one seller offering the commodity to at least one buyer. The sellers exist in a market competing for the buyers, who can choose between them. In this case the competitive conditions impact the price. In this way There is argument about whether this type of free market in which prices are determined by supply and demand under conditions of competition is alive or dead. Manuel DeLanda argues that capitalism is an anti-market because price is regulated by factors other than supply and demand in a competitive market; in other words, price is imposed from outside the market (DeLanda, Markets and Antimarkets in the World Economy).<br />
<br />
4) Another meaning for the word market is an aggregate of economic exchange in a given totality, such as "the U.S. market". Mitchell argues that the market in this definition is an object of calculation and analysis, and that therefore the acts of objectification comprise the object we know as the market. According to Mitchell, "the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism" (Mitchell 2007, 7). By this logic, capitalism is a sort of matrix or substrate made of the technical enactment of boundaries between inside and outside. The boundary-making itself is the substance of capitalism. This speaks to McCluhan's famous statement that "the medium is message". In this case the analysis of markets become the condition of possibility for markets, and this condition of possibility is the actual medium. <br />
<br />
The question remains, what message is being mediated here. Mitchell's analysis serves to show that the market is not actually a bounded object, and because of this we can presuppose autonomy for any entities between which the market mediates. The market is no longer a medium.<br />
<br />
== The Market as an Organic Body ==<br />
<br />
In Braudel's definition of the market, his use of the term "economic life" implies that economic activity is alive, or that it is a site where life happens. Timothy Mitchell finds that dominant ideas of the market before the 1930s treated it as an aggregate of life forces, or "individual utilities" (Mitchell 2005, 129). The Malthusian relationship between land fertility and population size comprised the object of analysis as "an organic world of human settlement, agriculture, and the movement of populations, goods, and wealth" (Mitchell 2005, 128). <br />
<br />
Towards the end of the 1800s, the idea of the market as a separate surface began, but it was not yet a "self-contained sphere, imagined as machine whose internal mechanisms and exchanges separate it from other social processes (Mitchell 2005, 128). Rather, "The object of analysis was made up of forces, conceived as individual utilities, that were assumed to be in balance. The site of this mechanical equilibrium was 'the market'.... As a neutral, planar surface, the market of neoclassical economics had no depth, no dynamic structure, no forces of its own, no 'macro' dimension that could be described apart from the individual utilities that moved across it. It was an inert, unmoving space" (Mitchell 2005, 129). In this characterization, the market was not seen as a system. It was rather a space that could be filled with individual energy; this is quite different from the current idea of "the economy" as a thermodynamic system in which the whole exerts force onto each of the parts. In this older conception of the market, the equilibrium of individual forces was not imposed by a greater whole, but seemed to arise naturally. <br />
<br />
Mitchell argues that the term, "economy" was not used in its contemporary sense, as an object of economic analysis, until it was actually taken as an object of economic analysis by econometrics in the 1930s. This was around the same time John Maynard Keynes began to refer to "the economic system as a whole" (Mitchell 2005, 130). Mitchell characterizes econometrics as "the attempt to create a mathematical representation of the entire economic process as a self-contained and dynamic mechanism" (Mitchell 2005, 131). At this point the dynamism of the economy incorporates or subsumes a collection of markets into itself. Economic processes are seen as a totality and it is possible to distinguish between that which is internal and that which is external to this totality. External forces impact the economy, causing "reverberations throughout the internal machine" (Mitchell 2005, 133). <br />
<br />
This notion of the economy as a system seems to persist, but perhaps with an important development. It is still understood as a systemic totality, but the external forces that impact it have been subsumed into the economy (partly through the statistical measurements of aggregates and averages such as gross national product and average spending). It is understood more like an organism than a machine requiring a human laborer. Randy Martin describes this organic model: "An economy could become overheated and melt down or explode. The social sciences more generally were predicated on this image of a closed system. The system adapted to internal strains by growth and differentiation. It maintained boundaries, kept out threatening uncertainties, and externalized unintended consequences from its internal decisions" (Martin, 28-29).<br />
<br />
=== The Death of Equilibrium/Equilibrium as Death ===<br />
<br />
Organic models of systems describe systems as thermodynamic, operating like a thermostat that adjusts to external stimuli, or adapts external stimuli to it, in such a way that the system maintains equilibrium. Business cycle models of the market speak the language of thermodynamics because the market returns to the same stages each time it goes through a cycle. However, some contemporary critiques of capitalism argue that capitalism operates more as a ''state'' of instability than a ''system'' at equilibrium (See Clough 2007). <br />
<br />
Randy Martin looks at this problem of equilibrium/disequilibrium in terms of the financial logic of risk that, he argues, has permeated economic thinking and has defined the subject as an investor. Martin traces the U.S.'s switch from a creditor to a debtor nation in the 1980s, when the nation began to operate through consumption without production. During this time risk became a sign of strength and power and the need for stability was a sign of weakness, now associated with the third world (Martin, 28). Being in debt, which used to be a sign of weakness, became a source of value. Debt is repackaged into securities. <br />
<br />
Beginning in the late 1970s after the U.S. dollar was delinked from the gold standard, "monetary movement was being freed to spread the wealth. Equilibrium-- key to Bretton Woods and early monetarist currency controls-- was no longer a condition of exchange. The dollar's spread, the expansion of debt and speculation, fostered disequilibrium and its attendant risks as a new horizon of opportunity. Fixing exchange to a physical standard perpetuated the image of the economy as a closed system. It could grow in proportion to the balance of inputs and outputs" (Martin, 29). According to Martin, money's attachment to the gold standard provided a kind of mystification that had a performative function; it created a "system-based moral and political economy" that was then overtaken by financial reason: in Martin's words, "when the investor who knows no country elbowed out the consumer-citizen of the nation-state, the organic closed system, result of the social sciences' unacknowledged metaphorizing of the social, was morphing into a different kind of beast" (Martin, 29). The a delinking of the subject from the nation-state goes hand-in-hand with the advent of the investor, who is a self-managing risk-taker. <br />
<br />
Within this finance economy, speculation is the only way to thrive economically, and speculation relies on both present and future instability and unpredictability (for more on unpredictability, see Clough). It is the very lack of predictability of capitalism that makes speculation such a profitable game; if the economy were truly predictable, than there would be no competition for correct guesses and measurements, and a securities package would not be a commodity.<br />
<br />
== New Encodings ==<br />
<br />
A capitalist market needs to have what Timothy Mitchell calls an "apparatus of representation" in order to convert material into abstract capital. He argues that failing capitalist economies differ from their succeeding counterparts because of how their wealth is held, not because of how much wealth they have. It is a matter of coding material into a symbolic system: "Representations of material goods transform their value into abstract forms, which can live an 'invisible, parallel life' alongside their physical existence. The West has invented procedures to create these invisible forms. Individuals in the West can unlock the assets accumulated in physical property, transforming material wealth into abstract capital" (Mitchell 2007, 9). <br />
<br />
Evidence of this claim lies in how markets and nonmarkets are distinguished by economists: "...in describing what this nonmarket world lacks, neoclassical economics tends to diagnose its defects as an absence of techniques of representation. Things are stuck outside the market because they are not properly represented-- by property records, prices, or other systems of reference. What economic analysis does, however, is not to represent what was previously unrepresented, but to try and reorganize the circulation and control of representations" (Mitchell 2007, 7). This circulation of representations is not only happening in the realm of the social sciences, but is an economic circulation. In fact, a derivative can be described as a packaged representation of a fluctuation in price that can be bought and sold as a commodity. This exemplifies the way in which value is generated by coding, not merely by quantities of material wealth. Perhaps this can be seen as a kind of self-coding, or immanent coding. (This discussion is raised in Clough et. al in terms of matter's capacity to self-form and how this is taken up by capitalism.)<br />
<br />
=== Coding of Risk, Instability ===<br />
<br />
How shall we understand market activity after the market is no longer an object? Instead of coding material goods as valuable (Mitchell, 2007), Randy Martin argues that capitalism is following a financial logic which extracts value by predicting future price fluctuations, interest rates, exchange rates, and packages this risk into new kinds of commodities, such as derivatives and securities. According to Martin, "Properly ascertained risk, not growth per se, is what yields rewards. The trade in risk avoidance devolves into a profit on risk itself" (Martin, 33).<br />
<br />
==== Derivatives ====<br />
<br />
A derivative is a contract on "some variation in price" (Martin, 31). EXAMPLE: "a firm selling a product overseas that will not be deliverable for several years will create a contract to fix currency exchange rates for the time when the product is finished. The expected difference between current and future exchange rates can then be sold as a separate commodity" (Martin, 31). "A similar contract could hedge against a change in interest rates, or the price of raw materials, or delivery costs" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
<br />
"Derivatives remove reference from the commodity. They allow debt to serve as a productive medium from which countless commodities can be spawned. Derivatives are promissory notes issued between firms. They represent a prime vehicle with which industrial corporations undertake the function of banks by engaging in financial services." (Martin, 31)<br />
<br />
"The derivative is a sign of the shift in the beneficiaries of development from populations or nations to other economic actors. Those who can steward risk will advance....The capacity for financial decision making trumps democratic involvement to decide political representation" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
==== Securities ====<br />
<br />
<br />
Spatial Representation''':<br />
<br />
The purpose of any space is determined by both the symbols used to<br />
designate where one is (ie an open for business sign), and the<br />
practices that take place there. In "Learning From Las Vegas," Robert<br />
Venturi takes a close look at how the Vegas Strip (in the late 60's)<br />
consisted of buildings that were differentiated primarily by flashy<br />
signs decorating unoriginal buildings (what he called the "decorated<br />
shed." He traced the phenomenon to the impact of speed on<br />
architecture - mainly that in a landscape where one drives past<br />
buildings, signs enable one to differentiate one space from another at<br />
a faster speed than differentiated architectures could (which is why<br />
signs matter so much for businesses on highways).<br />
<br />
What makes this so interesting is that when semiotics are reintroduced<br />
into architecture, communicating the specific use of a generic space,<br />
buildings enter a mediated realm - And I think that's key here - that<br />
when people believe they're in a market when they see a "market" sign,<br />
it enables the use of a spatial semiotic to successfully mediate the<br />
entire space provided that the same activity occurs - which is really<br />
just to say that the Las Vegas strip is this intermediate phenomenon<br />
whereby we all can find what we want in foreign places, and that's<br />
precisely the mechanism by which we can create a market without the<br />
actual space of a market (a shopping cart icon does the trick!).<br />
<br />
'''Immanent Representation''':<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
Braudel, Fernand. 1982. The wheels of commerce. New York: Harper & Row.<br />
<br />
Buck-Morss, Susan. Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display. Critical Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter, 1995), pp. 434-467. The University of Chicago Press<br />
<br />
Clough, Patricia, et. al. 2007. Notes Towards a Theory of Affect Itself. ''ephemera: theory and politics in organization''. 7(1):60-77.<br />
<br />
Ewen, Stuart & Ewen, Elizabeth, Channels of Desire: Mass Images and the Shaping of American Consciousness, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1992, pp. 23-52.<br />
<br />
Jameson Fredric, “Culture and Finance Capital,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1, (1997 ), pp. 246-265. <br />
<br />
Martin, Randy. 2007. An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management. Durham and London: Duke University Press.<br />
<br />
Massumi, Brian. The Future Birth of the Affective Fact. DATE JOURNAL<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. 2005. Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century. ''The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences: Positivism and its Epistemological Others'', edited by George Steinmetz.<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. [From an early version of the following paper.] 2007. The Properties of Markets. ''Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics''. Edited by Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />
<br />
Venturi, Robert, Denise Scott Brown and Steve Izenour, Learning From Las Vegas: The Forgotten Symbolism of Architectural Form, Cambridge: MIT Press 1972.<br />
<br />
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Braudel on Capitalism, or Everything Upside Down” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 2, A Special Issue on Modern France (Jun., 1991), pp. 354-361</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=The_Market&diff=4658The Market2008-04-16T19:13:00Z<p>Samhan: /* References */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Image:Shopping Cart.jpg]]<br />
<br />
In this dossier's engagement with the intersection of the built and mediated environment, we interpret Marshall McLuhan's argument that the remediation process whereby one medium survives as the content of another is the preservation of a distinct ''function'' in the midst of informatic and material transformation. This is not to suggest any predetermined trajectory of cultural obsolescence whereby a pre-existing function is stripped of cultural obstacles in its way, but rather to note that, ''in hindsight, content's transformative mechanism of appropriation enables us to examine behavioral systems, and the environment that housed them, as dead media,'' and that such dead media provide insights into a story of the concentration and distillation of culture into the symbolic content of later media which house cultural remains. <br />
<br />
Within the larger discussion of critical techniques this Archive attempts to employ, this dossier might also best be understood as an attempt to bridge our understanding of the isolation of <br />
medium from message (in the Hermes model) with our understanding of the communicative properties of materials which exhibit no such fragmentation (in the Iris model), as well as the rhizomatic, independent, message function that, in its ubiquitous employabilty, conforms to no specific medium (the Furies model). Far from suggesting an evolutionary hierarchy towards the immaterial, the market may, however, provide deeper insights into our understanding of the remediating processes at work in each of the three. <br />
<br />
We trace the process whereby the concentration of trading behavior and its eventual standardization was enabled by its enclosure in the space of the market, and the processes whereby this concentration separated market activity from a distinct built environment, isolating a function which is non-physical and anticipates the remediation of the market in the scripting content of immaterial spaces. Although we make no attempt to argue that physical market sites no longer exist, we do attempt to expose the informatic and material shifts that have obsolesced such physical environments, rendering the built environments that remain stages which serve a social function that is, in itself, a commodity. We identify the legacy of this fragmentation in the built environment and in the spaces which now bear witness to the market function in unexpected forms, yet we hope that future contributions will enrich and complicate the conceptual and mediatic transformations that accompanied the resurrection of symbolism in architecture.<br />
<br />
[[Image:Colourful shopping carts.jpg|thumb|right| What was once a spatial locality with a distinct form and use is now pure function with no distinct materiality]] [[Image:TUR1491SpiceBazaar.jpg]] <br />
<br />
=The History of Exchange= <br />
<br />
<br />
==The Market in Capitalism==<br />
<br />
===What is a market?===<br />
Is there such thing as a "pre-capitalist" market? To posit a pre-“anything” is to argue an implicit periodization of a concept. And undoubtedly, to suggest that there was a mode of representation or media such as “the market” so entrenched within the cultural values and practices of capitalism that preceded it, would also then require some explaining. Thankfully, in this task, we follow historian Fernand Braudel, who has undertaken massive volumes of study in this area. The trajectory of Braudel’s project, in line with his Annales colleagues more generally, is to provide a historiography of capitalism does not reify the very object of analysis—the ever-expanding, seemingly amoebic process called capitalism, which Marx himself referred to as comparable to “queer things abounding.” The danger would be to overlook how the market embodies the shifting historic-economic transition from merchant to industrial to finance capitalism. <br />
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With respect to Marx and the present study at hand, it could be argued that Marx dealt the strongest blow the concept of the market as a fixed, spatial location of exchange; so why even proceed? Well, indeed, “the market” as a spatial category very much plays a large part in various spheres of life, most pressingly the cultural, social and political. Moreover, many scholars, Frederic Jameson most famously, have even suggested that the economic has fallen to the level of culture (See Jameson). In such arguments, there is an assumed de-differentiation of previously separate spheres. The guiding question in this section will be (roughly): How did the market become differentiated in the first place?<br />
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===Braudel's Typology===<br />
1.All of types of exchange that go beyond self-sufficiency, of all the wheels of trade, large and small, that we have described, of all the categories relating to trading areas (urban market, national market) or to a given product (the market in sugar, precious metals, spices etc.). In this sense the word is the equivalent of exchange, circulation and distribution. <br />
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2.Large broad form of exchange, also known as market economy.<br />
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==The Market as Interface of Digital and Analog==<br />
Braudel makes a distinction between “material life” and “economic life,” suggesting that the market, stalls and shops form a discontinuous contact surface between the two. By “material life” he means the most elementary, autarkic societies and by “economic life” he means commerce, currencies, and exchanges (Braudel, 21). Hence, the market is a medium in the sense that it translates the “non-economy, imprisoned within self-sufficiency” to the level of “exchange-“or “market-value.” The discontinuity, for Braudel, is clearly rooted his positing some sort of non-economy that precedes full-blown capitalism. In other words, Braudel envisions precapitalist market as being discontinuous and spontaneous whereas the “true capitalist” market becomes continuous and permanently reified as “the market.” Is this distinction between discontinuity and continuity also that of digital and analog? Here, it can be argued that Braudel’s point is a bit nostalgic. That is to say, that Braudel’s overarching project to delink what he calls “economic life” from capitalism, which he sometimes refers to as “true capitalism”(Wallerstein, 354) necessitates a level of fixity in what he calls a market (as opposed to anti-market). Immanuel Wallerstein helps us understand this part of Braudel very clearly. He suggests that that Braudel makes a clear distinction between “economic life” and “material life.” Economic life moves out of the unconscious routine of the daily life towards a more conscious and active process of the division of labor (Wallerstein, 355). Framed within admittedly fraught distinction between continuous/discontinuous, we can suggest that for Braudel the material life is analog; hence unconscious, though nevertheless full of regularities. Economic life, that is “true capitalist” life, is too then perceivably analog as it is an instrumental, goal-oriented activity of production bounded in the smoothness of consciousness. But indeed, the market is that which interfaces and mediates the economic life into material life. In addition, Wallerstein suggests that Braudel sees that market economy as transparent, whereas material life (below) and economic life (above) are shadowy and opaque, in contrast. However, the zone above, on the other hand, (the economy) the zone of capitalism, was opaque, in this case because capitalists wanted it so. It was a zone in which “certain groups of privileged actors were engaged in circuits and calculations that ordinary people knew nothing of” (Braudel as quoted in Wallerstein, 355). Thus, in this mediation, there is a “blackboxing” of the guts of exchange. The market economy (or the antimarket) does not show the immanent negotiation of the market transaction, and indeed the fixing of the market-price. Price control, which Susan Buck-Morss rightly notes becomes the representational bottom-line of the market (Buck-Morss, 463). <br />
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(The specific definition of the market is rendered even in the layout of the three volumes of Braudel’s Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century.) Against Polanyi, he argues that “the market” as a vital component of the “market economy” is a consolidation, rationalization and even remediation of practices or instruments of exchange, which existed centuries prior to the 15th century, when we see the emergence of the ordinary market (e.g., the farmer’s market). The farmer’s market is characterized by what Braudel labels “immediate exchange,” describing it as such: “goods are sold on the spot, the purchases are taken and paid for there and then. Credit is hardly used…”(Ibid., 29). Immediate exchange had been practiced centuries or millennia before in ancient Greece, classical China, the Americas (Aztecs) and all over Africa. <br />
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==Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange==<br />
In the 15th century, markets were held twice a week in towns and urban centers in theory only. Especially in cities such as Paris, markets were held daily. The twice-a-week rule was not so much an effect of regulation but of necessity, as the surrounding countryside needed time to supply them. During the 17th century, the shift from being held in between town and countryside to being held at the heart of towns, usually in the town squares. As towns continued to grow in size, so did the markets, to the point where the tiny town squares could no longer accommodate the number of vendors coming to sell their goods. Here are Braudel’s words: “And since they [markets] represented modernity on the march, their growth allowed no obstacle to bar their way: they could with impunity impose on their surroundings their congestion, their rubbish and their obstinate gatherings of people” (Braudel, 31). The solution adopted was that of banishing them to the outskirts of town. However, as a reaction against this measure, markets would appear as open spaces would open up, especially seasonally with the freezing over of rivers, on which goods could be brought back and forth via sled. Braudel recounts two such examples—Moscow’s Moscova river and London’s Thames. The latter is most famously represented in the adjoining engraving. <br />
[[Image:FaironThames.jpg|thumb|left|Fair on Thames 1683. Literally bad weather]]<br />
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===Enclosing and Encoding the Market===<br />
Markets existed in very ancient times within a single village or group of villages—the market being a sort of itinerant village, as the fair was a sort of traveling town. But the decisive step in this long history was taken when the town appropriated these little markets. It absorbed them and inflated them to its own dimensions, in return having to accept the demands they made on it. <br />
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The urban markets may have been invented by the Phoenicians. The Greek city-states had a market on the agora. The proliferation of markets beyond the town squares elicited a response by towns to take regulatory measures, the most significant of which was the construction of covered markets (halls or halles), at times surrounded by open-air markets (Braudel, 33). In the 16th century, the towns and cities of England saw a series of markethalls with different names spring up, often at the experience of a wealthy local merchant disposed to be generous. The word halle could mean several things then, from a simple covered market to the mighty buildings and complicated organizations of the Halles which were from a very early date ‘the belly of Paris.’ What is of note is that these were mostly permanent and specialized. London, for example, by 1660, halls had “full-time employees, and a whole complicated administration” (Braudel, 33). <br />
[[Image:Halle.jpg |thumb|left|Halles in Britanny, late 16th century]]<br />
The Halles was a huge combination of covered spaces and open spaces, its pillars holding up the arcades of neighboring houses, and surrounded by a bustling commercial life on the fringes of the central market, taking advantage of the disorder and sprawl and creating more of both to its own profit. Additionally, it marked the beginning of the usage of the term “market” as associated with a specific good such as “labor market.” Though it seems like a minor detail in the history of commerce, the covering of markets, we would argue, is a major turning-point or "break boundary" as "the system generated by the artifact suddenly changes into another or passes some point of no return in its dynamic processes" (quoted from Critical Techniques page). Once markets were covered and centralized, we see that the political interventions on markets would follow to delimit the contingent and spontaneous nature of markets. <br />
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[[Image:Markettownsinwales.jpg|thumb|right| 800 Market Towns in England/Wales 1500-1640]]<br />
With the springing of markets all over various cities, towns began to intervene, once again, through spatial restrictions. London, again, provides a very enlightening example for Braudel. With the London market came the dislocation of the traditional market (public, nothing could be concealed), producer-vendor and buyer-consumer meet face to face. The distance between the two was becoming too great to be traveled by ordinary people. The merchant, or middleman, had already, from at least the thirteenth century, made his appearance in England, as a go-between for town and country, in particular in the corn trade. Gradually, chains of intermediaries were set up between producer and merchant on one hand, and between merchant and retailer on the other; along these chains passed the bulk of the trade in butter, cheese, poultry produce, fruit, vegetables and milk (Braudel, 42). Moreover, beyond goods of produce and industry (mostly crafts), land also became traded on the market. The market is then, in turn, a coterminous concept with “commodity,” as it becomes a facilitating medium for commodities. It becomes the connection, or encoding interface by which the commodity could be transformed from use-value to exchange-value. By encoding, I mean to suggest that the market becomes part of the grammar of commodities in market capitalism. How this functions I would argue is that the market becomes the system of rationality that is able to bring within a bounded geographical and symbolic system, effectively doing away with the barter system of mercantilism, and instating a mode of representation with its unit of measurement being the commodity. After it is enclosed and encoded, the market becomes the sole means by which to exchange, thus acting as a formal prohibition for all economic activity. Markets become the dominant economic media. <br />
The market then is the condition of possibility for commodities, but “the null point of social community (Buck-Morss, 437). Susan Buck-Morss goes so far as to argue that the market then elicits a certain mode of subjectivity that undergirds the market and commodity—the economic actor that is a, harkening back to the Freudian theory of human as a “bundle of instincts,” a “bounded rationality” (Buck-Morss, 466). Bounded rationality for Buck-Morss, is indicative of the effects of market-encoding or market-modeling that points towards the “depersonalization of exchange” (Buck-Morss, 437).<br />
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=Theatricality in the creation of a consuming subject=<br />
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Although there is much disagreement as to when consumer culture emerged fully formed, it is clear that the social transformation that accompanied its arrival required an unprecedented effort to pursuade individuals to consume as a way of life. The combined forces of advertising, branding and strategic exhibition of foreign objects, colluded in an elaborate performance which sought to embed curiosity in consuming subjects eager to witness the magic of a marketplace disrupting traditional social fabric. Although<br />
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=Semiotics in the Liberation of Function from Form=<br />
[[Image:Monument.jpg|right|thumb|Robert Venturi's "Recommendation for a monument" from [[Learning From Las Vegas]], 1972]]<br />
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''... ours is not the environment for heroic communication through pure architecture. Each medium has its day, and the rhetorical environmental statements of our time – civic, commercial, or residential – will come from media more purely symbolic, perhaps less static and more adaptable to the scale of our environment. The iconography and mixed media of roadside commercial architecture will point the way if we will look. Housing for the elderly on the Oak Street Connector, if it had to be a monument, would have been more economical, socially responsible and amenable as a conventional apartment building,lost by the side of the expressway, with a big sign on top blinking, I AM A MONUMENT. Decoration is cheaper. <br />
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- Robert Venturi,"Learning From Las Vegas," 1972''<br />
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[[Image:Vegas strip.jpg|thumb|right|The Upper Strip Looking North]]<br />
[[Image:Normal wedding-chapel-las-vegas.jpg|thumb|right|A Vegas chapel: function legitimated through semiotics]]<br />
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When Robert Venturi looked to the vernacular architecture on the Las Vegas strip in the late 1960's, he saw a resurrection of symbolism in the built environment that had seemed destined for extinction in the wake of architectural modernism. Whereas the Bauhaus' legacy in modernism had stripped buildings of ornament in an attempt to unify form with function, Venturi was amazed to find a Las Vegas strip dotted with generic buildings differentiated only by elaborate ornamental signs designating the unique functions and identities of otherwise identical spaces. <br />
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The Vegas strip not only violated a progression away from decoration (which led many to credit Venturi's text as the first postmodern architectural manifesto) but brought more clearly into focus the impact of the automobile upon architecture that needed to be identified from greater distances over shorter durations of time. Whereas the heroic communication of pure architecture had in the past led to forms and facades which - albeit imperfectly - communicated the activities contained within them, Venturi noted that in a land of highways and commercial strips the same system of (road) signs that enabled standardized navigation of an entire continent also enabled a faster recognition of the buildings and spaces one passed by. The vital necessity of introducing semiotic distinctions between buildings exemplified the spatial distortions that accompany accelerated movement and the distribution of communities across expanding territories.<br />
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Whereas the built environment brought countless aspects of human activity into existence by anchoring them in physical space, what Venturi exposed was the cultural appropriation of semiotic systems to designate spaces whose distinctive architecture had not yet been invented. In his iconic “Recommendation for a monument” his sarcastic suggestion that decoration upon generic form was the most ethical and economic method of design, exposed the complete lack of subtlety in designs that managed to serve specific functions in the absence of architectural innovation. Rather than create a home for new human activity, it was clear that one need only name a space in order for it to serve a specific function. Although modular, multipurpose, space had been realized long ago behind the glass curtain walls of modern skyscapers, after 1972, one could not escape the vulgar conclusion that the space itself was a nostalgic theatre enabling the suspension of disbelief which designated the offices of one box from the warehouse or monument of another.<br />
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In essence, symbolism had invaded space rendering residual communicative modalities in architectural form (the steeple, the column, the storefront) which directed activities within them unnecessary. In a traditional town one might recognize a church by a steeple, and civic institutions by classical architecture – but in Las Vegas one needed only to read a sign that read “CHAPEL” and a marriage could be performed. Resistance to the glass curtain and the modernist box need not be overcome by a radical re-education of a public in modernist aesthetics, but by the complete removal of ambiguity through the ultimate abstraction of the sign. Buildings had entered a realm of mediation, and the Las Vegas strip presented an intermediate phenomenon whereby one could could navigate a foreign landscape and locate a desired service or commodity in spite of all unfamiliarity with the landscape itself. <br />
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Venturi's Monument, like a Vegas chapel, anticipates the remediation of spatial phenomena in immaterial spaces and illustrates that function itself is not material, but something performed by actors engaged in a collective fiction. Once it was plainly clear that all the world was a stage, it followed that with the proper, scripting, semiotic device, the market no longer needed to be a specific locality in order to function as a market.<br />
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= Market as Stage: A comparison of three Stock Markets=<br />
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NASDAQ [[Image:Nasdaq0952.jpg|thumb|right|NASDAQ's only physical manifestations are purely symbolic, they fully realize Venturi's conception of an alternative medium housing the functions that previously required a complex and unique architecture]]<br />
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On February 8, 1971, a year prior to Venturi's publication of "Learning From Las Vegas," the world witnessed the birth of the first purely electronic stock market, NASDAQ. In contrast to traditional stock markets, NASDAQ's elimination of a trading floor helped to minimize the spread between the bid price and the ask price of a stock through it's computer bulletin board system. Although the market initially did not connect buyers and sellers directly, it presented a successor to over-the-counter finance and introduced a market function that did not depend on person to person trade. NASDAQ initially relied upon the use of telephones to connect buyers, brokers and sellers, yet currently relies upon electronic communication networks. As the world's largest stock market, in terms of companies listed and trades per day, NASDAQ is a functioning market without the spatial enclosure of a market, a product of the information age, and a phenomenon which illuminates the theatrical gestures elsewhere to preserve and exhibit a non-essential spatiality.<br />
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The New York Stock Exchange [[Image:TRADING floor 042007.jpg|thumb|right|Chaos on the NYSE trading floor constitutes genuine trading activity kept alive through the hybrid market's "cake mix effect"]]<br />
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Although the New York Stock exchange no longer engages in over-the-counter trading, its trading floor is a bustling theatre of trading activity. The floor itself might be seen as an obsolescent inefficiency, yet it is worth noting that in dollar volume, the NYSE remains a larger market than the NASDAQ despite having less listings. The NYSE is called a hybrid market because customers are given the choice of whether to send orders for immediate electronic execution or whether to submit an order to the trading floor for trading in the auction market. The preservation of human interaction on the floor itself seems to embody a nostalgia inherent in "the cake mix effect" whereby the efficiency of a sequence is interrupted by redundant steps as a defense from the obsolescence of a sequence understood to have cultural value. The floor is a tradition that is alive and well, yet this phenomenon eludes the mere prerequisite of market function, effectively defending a culture whose continued presence preserves an illusion that the market is still a market.<br />
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The Shanghai Stock Exchange [[Image:Xin 09020401155645001043.jpg|thumb|right|The empty trading floor in Shanghai]]<br />
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In perhaps the most bizarre isolation of medium from message at a time when the space of a trading floor is obsolescent, the Shanghai Stock Exchange, though entirely electronic like NASDAQ, has a trading floor which serves no market function in performance or otherwise. As a relatively new market, the physicality of a trading floor lends authority to the electronic transactions which occur in reference to it, yet it simultaneously sits as the vacant theatre of a performance which never took place. Whereas the NYSE might be understood as a monument to trading which lays claim to cultural capital and ensures continued longevity, the Shanghai Stock Exchange physical existence seems in contrast to be legitimizing a market dependent upon foreign investors that equate the physical market with a "real" market worthy of investment. The market extends Robert Venturi's visual joke into unexpected territory, announcing "I AM A MARKET" in spite of foreign anxieties which might argue otherwise.<br />
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= The Market as an Object of Representation and Modeling=<br />
This section will look at how the market as an object was subsumed by "the economy," following Timothy Mitchell's argument in his article, "Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century". Mitchell argues that the objectification of the market and the economy is accomplished by economic, econometric, and governmental attempts to keep track of monetary exchange. In other words, measurements of the market serve to constitute the object they seek to measure (Mitchell 2005). Following Mitchell's argument and drawing from Randy Martin's book, ''An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management'', we propose that the death of the market as a media object was accomplished by the same process that made it; measurements of market activity become the condition of possibility for this activity in such a way that measuring and regulatory acts become immanent to actual commodities. Commodities now no longer need the frame of the market to act as a structure, providing the affordances and prohibitions of exchange. Now these regulatory/technical capacities are embedded in commodities such as derivatives and securities, as Randy Martin demonstrates.<br />
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== The Market as a Medium ==<br />
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In addition to asking how the market comes to be an object, it is relevant for this project to ask, to what extent can the market be characterized as a medium? And, insofar as it is a medium, to what extent can the market be characterized as a dead medium?<br />
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In order to answer these questions, one must consider different definitions and uses of the word, market.<br />
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1) Fernand Braudel defines the market as that which mediates between material life and economic life. This understanding is obsolete because the possibility of mediation requires a prior separation between the two entities--in this case material and economic life--being mediated. A Marxist reading of capitalism, especially as it was taken up by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics, suggests that material and economic life are no longer separate, that the economy has become a condition of possibility for material life, and is therefore immanent to it. The market as a medium in this regard is dead.<br />
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2) The market can also refer to a physical place where commodities are exchanged, as in a marketplace. This is similar to Mitchell's discussion of the market before the use of the word economy to refer to an object of economic analysis. This market is an inert space where the lives of people and the fruits of the land interact. In this case it is a passive medium through which commodities are exchanged. The message being mediated is the trade between the commodity and money, but the marketplace does not mediate this message. The medium is actually the socially agreed up or legal rules that determine the contract of exchange. It is these rules that construct the space as a market, and it has been proven that exchange can happen without being enclosed in a spatial entity determined to be a marketplace. The market as a spatial entity is dead insofar as merchants and buyers no longer have to go to a physical place to engage in acts of exchange. The contracts determining an act of exchange do not require all parties to be in the same place, and with the internet, parties engaged in an act of exchange to do not have to make contact at the same time. <br />
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It is even necessary to consider the death of exchange, for exchange implies that all parties lose one object (either a commodity or money) and gain another. However, value is now generated from situations of loss and lack, and from the differentials between predicted prices (See section entitled "Investing in Risk" below). '''It may be now be possible to talk about a production of value independent of exchange.''' <br />
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3) The market is also a conceptual category referring to a specific type of commodity that can be bought and sold (i.e., the job market, the stock market). The stipulation is that there has to be more than one seller offering the commodity to at least one buyer. The sellers exist in a market competing for the buyers, who can choose between them. In this case the competitive conditions impact the price. In this way There is argument about whether this type of free market in which prices are determined by supply and demand under conditions of competition is alive or dead. Manuel DeLanda argues that capitalism is an anti-market because price is regulated by factors other than supply and demand in a competitive market; in other words, price is imposed from outside the market (DeLanda, Markets and Antimarkets in the World Economy).<br />
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4) Another meaning for the word market is an aggregate of economic exchange in a given totality, such as "the U.S. market". Mitchell argues that the market in this definition is an object of calculation and analysis, and that therefore the acts of objectification comprise the object we know as the market. According to Mitchell, "the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism" (Mitchell 2007, 7). By this logic, capitalism is a sort of matrix or substrate made of the technical enactment of boundaries between inside and outside. The boundary-making itself is the substance of capitalism. This speaks to McCluhan's famous statement that "the medium is message". In this case the analysis of markets become the condition of possibility for markets, and this condition of possibility is the actual medium. <br />
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The question remains, what message is being mediated here. Mitchell's analysis serves to show that the market is not actually a bounded object, and because of this we can presuppose autonomy for any entities between which the market mediates. The market is no longer a medium.<br />
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== The Market as an Organic Body ==<br />
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In Braudel's definition of the market, his use of the term "economic life" implies that economic activity is alive, or that it is a site where life happens. Timothy Mitchell finds that dominant ideas of the market before the 1930s treated it as an aggregate of life forces, or "individual utilities" (Mitchell 2005, 129). The Malthusian relationship between land fertility and population size comprised the object of analysis as "an organic world of human settlement, agriculture, and the movement of populations, goods, and wealth" (Mitchell 2005, 128). <br />
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Towards the end of the 1800s, the idea of the market as a separate surface began, but it was not yet a "self-contained sphere, imagined as machine whose internal mechanisms and exchanges separate it from other social processes (Mitchell 2005, 128). Rather, "The object of analysis was made up of forces, conceived as individual utilities, that were assumed to be in balance. The site of this mechanical equilibrium was 'the market'.... As a neutral, planar surface, the market of neoclassical economics had no depth, no dynamic structure, no forces of its own, no 'macro' dimension that could be described apart from the individual utilities that moved across it. It was an inert, unmoving space" (Mitchell 2005, 129). In this characterization, the market was not seen as a system. It was rather a space that could be filled with individual energy; this is quite different from the current idea of "the economy" as a thermodynamic system in which the whole exerts force onto each of the parts. In this older conception of the market, the equilibrium of individual forces was not imposed by a greater whole, but seemed to arise naturally. <br />
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Mitchell argues that the term, "economy" was not used in its contemporary sense, as an object of economic analysis, until it was actually taken as an object of economic analysis by econometrics in the 1930s. This was around the same time John Maynard Keynes began to refer to "the economic system as a whole" (Mitchell 2005, 130). Mitchell characterizes econometrics as "the attempt to create a mathematical representation of the entire economic process as a self-contained and dynamic mechanism" (Mitchell 2005, 131). At this point the dynamism of the economy incorporates or subsumes a collection of markets into itself. Economic processes are seen as a totality and it is possible to distinguish between that which is internal and that which is external to this totality. External forces impact the economy, causing "reverberations throughout the internal machine" (Mitchell 2005, 133). <br />
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This notion of the economy as a system seems to persist, but perhaps with an important development. It is still understood as a systemic totality, but the external forces that impact it have been subsumed into the economy (partly through the statistical measurements of aggregates and averages such as gross national product and average spending). It is understood more like an organism than a machine requiring a human laborer. Randy Martin describes this organic model: "An economy could become overheated and melt down or explode. The social sciences more generally were predicated on this image of a closed system. The system adapted to internal strains by growth and differentiation. It maintained boundaries, kept out threatening uncertainties, and externalized unintended consequences from its internal decisions" (Martin, 28-29).<br />
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=== The Death of Equilibrium/Equilibrium as Death ===<br />
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Organic models of systems describe systems as thermodynamic, operating like a thermostat that adjusts to external stimuli, or adapts external stimuli to it, in such a way that the system maintains equilibrium. Business cycle models of the market speak the language of thermodynamics because the market returns to the same stages each time it goes through a cycle. However, some contemporary critiques of capitalism argue that capitalism operates more as a ''state'' of instability than a ''system'' at equilibrium (See Clough 2007). <br />
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Randy Martin looks at this problem of equilibrium/disequilibrium in terms of the financial logic of risk that, he argues, has permeated economic thinking and has defined the subject as an investor. Martin traces the U.S.'s switch from a creditor to a debtor nation in the 1980s, when the nation began to operate through consumption without production. During this time risk became a sign of strength and power and the need for stability was a sign of weakness, now associated with the third world (Martin, 28). Being in debt, which used to be a sign of weakness, became a source of value. Debt is repackaged into securities. <br />
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Beginning in the late 1970s after the U.S. dollar was delinked from the gold standard, "monetary movement was being freed to spread the wealth. Equilibrium-- key to Bretton Woods and early monetarist currency controls-- was no longer a condition of exchange. The dollar's spread, the expansion of debt and speculation, fostered disequilibrium and its attendant risks as a new horizon of opportunity. Fixing exchange to a physical standard perpetuated the image of the economy as a closed system. It could grow in proportion to the balance of inputs and outputs" (Martin, 29). According to Martin, money's attachment to the gold standard provided a kind of mystification that had a performative function; it created a "system-based moral and political economy" that was then overtaken by financial reason: in Martin's words, "when the investor who knows no country elbowed out the consumer-citizen of the nation-state, the organic closed system, result of the social sciences' unacknowledged metaphorizing of the social, was morphing into a different kind of beast" (Martin, 29). The a delinking of the subject from the nation-state goes hand-in-hand with the advent of the investor, who is a self-managing risk-taker. <br />
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Within this finance economy, speculation is the only way to thrive economically, and speculation relies on both present and future instability and unpredictability (for more on unpredictability, see Clough). It is the very lack of predictability of capitalism that makes speculation such a profitable game; if the economy were truly predictable, than there would be no competition for correct guesses and measurements, and a securities package would not be a commodity.<br />
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== New Encodings ==<br />
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A capitalist market needs to have what Timothy Mitchell calls an "apparatus of representation" in order to convert material into abstract capital. He argues that failing capitalist economies differ from their succeeding counterparts because of how their wealth is held, not because of how much wealth they have. It is a matter of coding material into a symbolic system: "Representations of material goods transform their value into abstract forms, which can live an 'invisible, parallel life' alongside their physical existence. The West has invented procedures to create these invisible forms. Individuals in the West can unlock the assets accumulated in physical property, transforming material wealth into abstract capital" (Mitchell 2007, 9). <br />
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Evidence of this claim lies in how markets and nonmarkets are distinguished by economists: "...in describing what this nonmarket world lacks, neoclassical economics tends to diagnose its defects as an absence of techniques of representation. Things are stuck outside the market because they are not properly represented-- by property records, prices, or other systems of reference. What economic analysis does, however, is not to represent what was previously unrepresented, but to try and reorganize the circulation and control of representations" (Mitchell 2007, 7). This circulation of representations is not only happening in the realm of the social sciences, but is an economic circulation. In fact, a derivative can be described as a packaged representation of a fluctuation in price that can be bought and sold as a commodity. This exemplifies the way in which value is generated by coding, not merely by quantities of material wealth. Perhaps this can be seen as a kind of self-coding, or immanent coding. (This discussion is raised in Clough et. al in terms of matter's capacity to self-form and how this is taken up by capitalism.)<br />
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=== Coding of Risk, Instability ===<br />
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How shall we understand market activity after the market is no longer an object? Instead of coding material goods as valuable (Mitchell, 2007), Randy Martin argues that capitalism is following a financial logic which extracts value by predicting future price fluctuations, interest rates, exchange rates, and packages this risk into new kinds of commodities, such as derivatives and securities. According to Martin, "Properly ascertained risk, not growth per se, is what yields rewards. The trade in risk avoidance devolves into a profit on risk itself" (Martin, 33).<br />
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==== Derivatives ====<br />
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A derivative is a contract on "some variation in price" (Martin, 31). EXAMPLE: "a firm selling a product overseas that will not be deliverable for several years will create a contract to fix currency exchange rates for the time when the product is finished. The expected difference between current and future exchange rates can then be sold as a separate commodity" (Martin, 31). "A similar contract could hedge against a change in interest rates, or the price of raw materials, or delivery costs" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
<br />
"Derivatives remove reference from the commodity. They allow debt to serve as a productive medium from which countless commodities can be spawned. Derivatives are promissory notes issued between firms. They represent a prime vehicle with which industrial corporations undertake the function of banks by engaging in financial services." (Martin, 31)<br />
<br />
"The derivative is a sign of the shift in the beneficiaries of development from populations or nations to other economic actors. Those who can steward risk will advance....The capacity for financial decision making trumps democratic involvement to decide political representation" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
==== Securities ====<br />
<br />
<br />
Spatial Representation''':<br />
<br />
The purpose of any space is determined by both the symbols used to<br />
designate where one is (ie an open for business sign), and the<br />
practices that take place there. In "Learning From Las Vegas," Robert<br />
Venturi takes a close look at how the Vegas Strip (in the late 60's)<br />
consisted of buildings that were differentiated primarily by flashy<br />
signs decorating unoriginal buildings (what he called the "decorated<br />
shed." He traced the phenomenon to the impact of speed on<br />
architecture - mainly that in a landscape where one drives past<br />
buildings, signs enable one to differentiate one space from another at<br />
a faster speed than differentiated architectures could (which is why<br />
signs matter so much for businesses on highways).<br />
<br />
What makes this so interesting is that when semiotics are reintroduced<br />
into architecture, communicating the specific use of a generic space,<br />
buildings enter a mediated realm - And I think that's key here - that<br />
when people believe they're in a market when they see a "market" sign,<br />
it enables the use of a spatial semiotic to successfully mediate the<br />
entire space provided that the same activity occurs - which is really<br />
just to say that the Las Vegas strip is this intermediate phenomenon<br />
whereby we all can find what we want in foreign places, and that's<br />
precisely the mechanism by which we can create a market without the<br />
actual space of a market (a shopping cart icon does the trick!).<br />
<br />
'''Immanent Representation''':<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
Braudel, Fernand. 1982. The wheels of commerce. New York: Harper & Row.<br />
<br />
Buck-Morss, Susan. Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display. Critical Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter, 1995), pp. 434-467. The University of Chicago Press<br />
<br />
Clough, Patricia, et. al. 2007. Notes Towards a Theory of Affect Itself. ''ephemera: theory and politics in organization''. 7(1):60-77.<br />
<br />
Ewen, Stuart & Ewen, Elizabeth, Channels of Desire: Mass Images and the Shaping of American Consciousness, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1992, pp. 23-52.<br />
<br />
Jameson Fredric, “Culture and Finance Capital,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1, (1997 ), pp. 246-265. <br />
<br />
Martin, Randy. 2007. And Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management. Durham and London: Duke University Press.<br />
<br />
Massumi, Brian. The Future Birth of the Affective Fact. DATE JOURNAL<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. 2005. Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century. ''The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences: Positivism and its Epistemological Others'', edited by George Steinmetz.<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. [From an early version of the following paper.] 2007. The Properties of Markets. ''Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics''. Edited by Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />
<br />
Venturi, Robert, Denise Scott Brown and Steve Izenour, Learning From Las Vegas: The Forgotten Symbolism of Architectural Form, Cambridge: MIT Press 1972.<br />
<br />
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Braudel on Capitalism, or Everything Upside Down” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 2, A Special Issue on Modern France (Jun., 1991), pp. 354-361</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=The_Market&diff=4654The Market2008-04-16T18:58:52Z<p>Samhan: /* Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Image:Shopping Cart.jpg]]<br />
<br />
In this dossier's engagement with the intersection of the built and mediated environment, we interpret Marshall McLuhan's argument that the remediation process whereby one medium survives as the content of another is the preservation of a distinct ''function'' in the midst of informatic and material transformation. This is not to suggest any predetermined trajectory of cultural obsolescence whereby a pre-existing function is stripped of cultural obstacles in its way, but rather to note that, ''in hindsight, content's transformative mechanism of appropriation enables us to examine behavioral systems, and the environment that housed them, as dead media,'' and that such dead media provide insights into a story of the concentration and distillation of culture into the symbolic content of later media which house cultural remains. <br />
<br />
Within the larger discussion of critical techniques this Archive attempts to employ, this dossier might also best be understood as an attempt to bridge our understanding of the isolation of <br />
medium from message (in the Hermes model) with our understanding of the communicative properties of materials which exhibit no such fragmentation (in the Iris model), as well as the rhizomatic, independent, message function that, in its ubiquitous employabilty, conforms to no specific medium (the Furies model). Far from suggesting an evolutionary hierarchy towards the immaterial, the market may, however, provide deeper insights into our understanding of the remediating processes at work in each of the three. <br />
<br />
We trace the process whereby the concentration of trading behavior and its eventual standardization was enabled by its enclosure in the space of the market, and the processes whereby this concentration separated market activity from a distinct built environment, isolating a function which is non-physical and anticipates the remediation of the market in the scripting content of immaterial spaces. Although we make no attempt to argue that physical market sites no longer exist, we do attempt to expose the informatic and material shifts that have obsolesced such physical environments, rendering the built environments that remain stages which serve a social function that is, in itself, a commodity. We identify the legacy of this fragmentation in the built environment and in the spaces which now bear witness to the market function in unexpected forms, yet we hope that future contributions will enrich and complicate the conceptual and mediatic transformations that accompanied the resurrection of symbolism in architecture.<br />
<br />
[[Image:Colourful shopping carts.jpg|thumb|right| What was once a spatial locality with a distinct form and use is now pure function with no distinct materiality]] [[Image:TUR1491SpiceBazaar.jpg]] <br />
<br />
=The History of Exchange= <br />
<br />
<br />
==The Market in Capitalism==<br />
<br />
===What is a market?===<br />
Is there such thing as a "pre-capitalist" market? To posit a pre-“anything” is to argue an implicit periodization of a concept. And undoubtedly, to suggest that there was a mode of representation or media such as “the market” so entrenched within the cultural values and practices of capitalism that preceded it, would also then require some explaining. Thankfully, in this task, we follow historian Fernand Braudel, who has undertaken massive volumes of study in this area. The trajectory of Braudel’s project, in line with his Annales colleagues more generally, is to provide a historiography of capitalism does not reify the very object of analysis—the ever-expanding, seemingly amoebic process called capitalism, which Marx himself referred to as comparable to “queer things abounding.” The danger would be to overlook how the market embodies the shifting historic-economic transition from merchant to industrial to finance capitalism. <br />
<br />
With respect to Marx and the present study at hand, it could be argued that Marx dealt the strongest blow the concept of the market as a fixed, spatial location of exchange; so why even proceed? Well, indeed, “the market” as a spatial category very much plays a large part in various spheres of life, most pressingly the cultural, social and political. Moreover, many scholars, Frederic Jameson most famously, have even suggested that the economic has fallen to the level of culture (See Jameson). In such arguments, there is an assumed de-differentiation of previously separate spheres. The guiding question in this section will be (roughly): How did the market become differentiated in the first place?<br />
<br />
===Braudel's Typology===<br />
1.All of types of exchange that go beyond self-sufficiency, of all the wheels of trade, large and small, that we have described, of all the categories relating to trading areas (urban market, national market) or to a given product (the market in sugar, precious metals, spices etc.). In this sense the word is the equivalent of exchange, circulation and distribution. <br />
<br />
2.Large broad form of exchange, also known as market economy.<br />
<br />
==The Market as Interface of Digital and Analog==<br />
Braudel makes a distinction between “material life” and “economic life,” suggesting that the market, stalls and shops form a discontinuous contact surface between the two. By “material life” he means the most elementary, autarkic societies and by “economic life” he means commerce, currencies, and exchanges (Braudel, 21). Hence, the market is a medium in the sense that it translates the “non-economy, imprisoned within self-sufficiency” to the level of “exchange-“or “market-value.” The discontinuity, for Braudel, is clearly rooted his positing some sort of non-economy that precedes full-blown capitalism. In other words, Braudel envisions precapitalist market as being discontinuous and spontaneous whereas the “true capitalist” market becomes continuous and permanently reified as “the market.” Is this distinction between discontinuity and continuity also that of digital and analog? Here, it can be argued that Braudel’s point is a bit nostalgic. That is to say, that Braudel’s overarching project to delink what he calls “economic life” from capitalism, which he sometimes refers to as “true capitalism”(Wallerstein, 354) necessitates a level of fixity in what he calls a market (as opposed to anti-market). Immanuel Wallerstein helps us understand this part of Braudel very clearly. He suggests that that Braudel makes a clear distinction between “economic life” and “material life.” Economic life moves out of the unconscious routine of the daily life towards a more conscious and active process of the division of labor (Wallerstein, 355). Framed within admittedly fraught distinction between continuous/discontinuous, we can suggest that for Braudel the material life is analog; hence unconscious, though nevertheless full of regularities. Economic life, that is “true capitalist” life, is too then perceivably analog as it is an instrumental, goal-oriented activity of production bounded in the smoothness of consciousness. But indeed, the market is that which interfaces and mediates the economic life into material life. In addition, Wallerstein suggests that Braudel sees that market economy as transparent, whereas material life (below) and economic life (above) are shadowy and opaque, in contrast. However, the zone above, on the other hand, (the economy) the zone of capitalism, was opaque, in this case because capitalists wanted it so. It was a zone in which “certain groups of privileged actors were engaged in circuits and calculations that ordinary people knew nothing of” (Braudel as quoted in Wallerstein, 355). Thus, in this mediation, there is a “blackboxing” of the guts of exchange. The market economy (or the antimarket) does not show the immanent negotiation of the market transaction, and indeed the fixing of the market-price. Price control, which Susan Buck-Morss rightly notes becomes the representational bottom-line of the market (Buck-Morss, 463). <br />
<br />
(The specific definition of the market is rendered even in the layout of the three volumes of Braudel’s Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century.) Against Polanyi, he argues that “the market” as a vital component of the “market economy” is a consolidation, rationalization and even remediation of practices or instruments of exchange, which existed centuries prior to the 15th century, when we see the emergence of the ordinary market (e.g., the farmer’s market). The farmer’s market is characterized by what Braudel labels “immediate exchange,” describing it as such: “goods are sold on the spot, the purchases are taken and paid for there and then. Credit is hardly used…”(Ibid., 29). Immediate exchange had been practiced centuries or millennia before in ancient Greece, classical China, the Americas (Aztecs) and all over Africa. <br />
<br />
==Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange==<br />
In the 15th century, markets were held twice a week in towns and urban centers in theory only. Especially in cities such as Paris, markets were held daily. The twice-a-week rule was not so much an effect of regulation but of necessity, as the surrounding countryside needed time to supply them. During the 17th century, the shift from being held in between town and countryside to being held at the heart of towns, usually in the town squares. As towns continued to grow in size, so did the markets, to the point where the tiny town squares could no longer accommodate the number of vendors coming to sell their goods. Here are Braudel’s words: “And since they [markets] represented modernity on the march, their growth allowed no obstacle to bar their way: they could with impunity impose on their surroundings their congestion, their rubbish and their obstinate gatherings of people” (Braudel, 31). The solution adopted was that of banishing them to the outskirts of town. However, as a reaction against this measure, markets would appear as open spaces would open up, especially seasonally with the freezing over of rivers, on which goods could be brought back and forth via sled. Braudel recounts two such examples—Moscow’s Moscova river and London’s Thames. The latter is most famously represented in the adjoining engraving. <br />
[[Image:FaironThames.jpg|thumb|left|Fair on Thames 1683. Literally bad weather]]<br />
<br />
===Enclosing and Encoding the Market===<br />
Markets existed in very ancient times within a single village or group of villages—the market being a sort of itinerant village, as the fair was a sort of traveling town. But the decisive step in this long history was taken when the town appropriated these little markets. It absorbed them and inflated them to its own dimensions, in return having to accept the demands they made on it. <br />
<br />
The urban markets may have been invented by the Phoenicians. The Greek city-states had a market on the agora. The proliferation of markets beyond the town squares elicited a response by towns to take regulatory measures, the most significant of which was the construction of covered markets (halls or halles), at times surrounded by open-air markets (Braudel, 33). In the 16th century, the towns and cities of England saw a series of markethalls with different names spring up, often at the experience of a wealthy local merchant disposed to be generous. The word halle could mean several things then, from a simple covered market to the mighty buildings and complicated organizations of the Halles which were from a very early date ‘the belly of Paris.’ What is of note is that these were mostly permanent and specialized. London, for example, by 1660, halls had “full-time employees, and a whole complicated administration” (Braudel, 33). <br />
[[Image:Halle.jpg |thumb|left|Halles in Britanny, late 16th century]]<br />
The Halles was a huge combination of covered spaces and open spaces, its pillars holding up the arcades of neighboring houses, and surrounded by a bustling commercial life on the fringes of the central market, taking advantage of the disorder and sprawl and creating more of both to its own profit. Additionally, it marked the beginning of the usage of the term “market” as associated with a specific good such as “labor market.” Though it seems like a minor detail in the history of commerce, the covering of markets, we would argue, is a major turning-point or "break boundary" as "the system generated by the artifact suddenly changes into another or passes some point of no return in its dynamic processes" (quoted from Critical Techniques page). Once markets were covered and centralized, we see that the political interventions on markets would follow to delimit the contingent and spontaneous nature of markets. <br />
<br />
[[Image:Markettownsinwales.jpg|thumb|right| 800 Market Towns in England/Wales 1500-1640]]<br />
With the springing of markets all over various cities, towns began to intervene, once again, through spatial restrictions. London, again, provides a very enlightening example for Braudel. With the London market came the dislocation of the traditional market (public, nothing could be concealed), producer-vendor and buyer-consumer meet face to face. The distance between the two was becoming too great to be traveled by ordinary people. The merchant, or middleman, had already, from at least the thirteenth century, made his appearance in England, as a go-between for town and country, in particular in the corn trade. Gradually, chains of intermediaries were set up between producer and merchant on one hand, and between merchant and retailer on the other; along these chains passed the bulk of the trade in butter, cheese, poultry produce, fruit, vegetables and milk (Braudel, 42). Moreover, beyond goods of produce and industry (mostly crafts), land also became traded on the market. The market is then, in turn, a coterminous concept with “commodity,” as it becomes a facilitating medium for commodities. It becomes the connection, or encoding interface by which the commodity could be transformed from use-value to exchange-value. By encoding, I mean to suggest that the market becomes part of the grammar of commodities in market capitalism. How this functions I would argue is that the market becomes the system of rationality that is able to bring within a bounded geographical and symbolic system, effectively doing away with the barter system of mercantilism, and instating a mode of representation with its unit of measurement being the commodity. After it is enclosed and encoded, the market becomes the sole means by which to exchange, thus acting as a formal prohibition for all economic activity. Markets become the dominant economic media. <br />
The market then is the condition of possibility for commodities, but “the null point of social community (Buck-Morss, 437). Susan Buck-Morss goes so far as to argue that the market then elicits a certain mode of subjectivity that undergirds the market and commodity—the economic actor that is a, harkening back to the Freudian theory of human as a “bundle of instincts,” a “bounded rationality” (Buck-Morss, 466). Bounded rationality for Buck-Morss, is indicative of the effects of market-encoding or market-modeling that points towards the “depersonalization of exchange” (Buck-Morss, 437).<br />
<br />
=Theatricality in the creation of a consuming subject=<br />
<br />
Although there is much disagreement as to when consumer culture emerged fully formed, it is clear that the social transformation that accompanied its arrival required an unprecedented effort to pursuade individuals to consume as a way of life. The combined forces of advertising, branding and strategic exhibition of foreign objects, colluded in an elaborate performance which sought to embed curiosity in consuming subjects eager to witness the magic of a marketplace disrupting traditional social fabric. Although<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=Semiotics in the Liberation of Function from Form=<br />
[[Image:Monument.jpg|right|thumb|Robert Venturi's "Recommendation for a monument" from [[Learning From Las Vegas]], 1972]]<br />
<br />
<br />
''... ours is not the environment for heroic communication through pure architecture. Each medium has its day, and the rhetorical environmental statements of our time – civic, commercial, or residential – will come from media more purely symbolic, perhaps less static and more adaptable to the scale of our environment. The iconography and mixed media of roadside commercial architecture will point the way if we will look. Housing for the elderly on the Oak Street Connector, if it had to be a monument, would have been more economical, socially responsible and amenable as a conventional apartment building,lost by the side of the expressway, with a big sign on top blinking, I AM A MONUMENT. Decoration is cheaper. <br />
<br />
- Robert Venturi,"Learning From Las Vegas," 1972''<br />
<br />
<br />
----<br />
[[Image:Vegas strip.jpg|thumb|right|The Upper Strip Looking North]]<br />
[[Image:Normal wedding-chapel-las-vegas.jpg|thumb|right|A Vegas chapel: function legitimated through semiotics]]<br />
<br />
When Robert Venturi looked to the vernacular architecture on the Las Vegas strip in the late 1960's, he saw a resurrection of symbolism in the built environment that had seemed destined for extinction in the wake of architectural modernism. Whereas the Bauhaus' legacy in modernism had stripped buildings of ornament in an attempt to unify form with function, Venturi was amazed to find a Las Vegas strip dotted with generic buildings differentiated only by elaborate ornamental signs designating the unique functions and identities of otherwise identical spaces. <br />
<br />
The Vegas strip not only violated a progression away from decoration (which led many to credit Venturi's text as the first postmodern architectural manifesto) but brought more clearly into focus the impact of the automobile upon architecture that needed to be identified from greater distances over shorter durations of time. Whereas the heroic communication of pure architecture had in the past led to forms and facades which - albeit imperfectly - communicated the activities contained within them, Venturi noted that in a land of highways and commercial strips the same system of (road) signs that enabled standardized navigation of an entire continent also enabled a faster recognition of the buildings and spaces one passed by. The vital necessity of introducing semiotic distinctions between buildings exemplified the spatial distortions that accompany accelerated movement and the distribution of communities across expanding territories.<br />
<br />
Whereas the built environment brought countless aspects of human activity into existence by anchoring them in physical space, what Venturi exposed was the cultural appropriation of semiotic systems to designate spaces whose distinctive architecture had not yet been invented. In his iconic “Recommendation for a monument” his sarcastic suggestion that decoration upon generic form was the most ethical and economic method of design, exposed the complete lack of subtlety in designs that managed to serve specific functions in the absence of architectural innovation. Rather than create a home for new human activity, it was clear that one need only name a space in order for it to serve a specific function. Although modular, multipurpose, space had been realized long ago behind the glass curtain walls of modern skyscapers, after 1972, one could not escape the vulgar conclusion that the space itself was a nostalgic theatre enabling the suspension of disbelief which designated the offices of one box from the warehouse or monument of another.<br />
<br />
In essence, symbolism had invaded space rendering residual communicative modalities in architectural form (the steeple, the column, the storefront) which directed activities within them unnecessary. In a traditional town one might recognize a church by a steeple, and civic institutions by classical architecture – but in Las Vegas one needed only to read a sign that read “CHAPEL” and a marriage could be performed. Resistance to the glass curtain and the modernist box need not be overcome by a radical re-education of a public in modernist aesthetics, but by the complete removal of ambiguity through the ultimate abstraction of the sign. Buildings had entered a realm of mediation, and the Las Vegas strip presented an intermediate phenomenon whereby one could could navigate a foreign landscape and locate a desired service or commodity in spite of all unfamiliarity with the landscape itself. <br />
<br />
Venturi's Monument, like a Vegas chapel, anticipates the remediation of spatial phenomena in immaterial spaces and illustrates that function itself is not material, but something performed by actors engaged in a collective fiction. Once it was plainly clear that all the world was a stage, it followed that with the proper, scripting, semiotic device, the market no longer needed to be a specific locality in order to function as a market.<br />
----<br />
<br />
= Market as Stage: A comparison of three Stock Markets=<br />
<br />
NASDAQ [[Image:Nasdaq0952.jpg|thumb|right|NASDAQ's only physical manifestations are purely symbolic, they fully realize Venturi's conception of an alternative medium housing the functions that previously required a complex and unique architecture]]<br />
<br />
On February 8, 1971, a year prior to Venturi's publication of "Learning From Las Vegas," the world witnessed the birth of the first purely electronic stock market, NASDAQ. In contrast to traditional stock markets, NASDAQ's elimination of a trading floor helped to minimize the spread between the bid price and the ask price of a stock through it's computer bulletin board system. Although the market initially did not connect buyers and sellers directly, it presented a successor to over-the-counter finance and introduced a market function that did not depend on person to person trade. NASDAQ initially relied upon the use of telephones to connect buyers, brokers and sellers, yet currently relies upon electronic communication networks. As the world's largest stock market, in terms of companies listed and trades per day, NASDAQ is a functioning market without the spatial enclosure of a market, a product of the information age, and a phenomenon which illuminates the theatrical gestures elsewhere to preserve and exhibit a non-essential spatiality.<br />
<br />
The New York Stock Exchange [[Image:TRADING floor 042007.jpg|thumb|right|Chaos on the NYSE trading floor constitutes genuine trading activity kept alive through the hybrid market's "cake mix effect"]]<br />
<br />
Although the New York Stock exchange no longer engages in over-the-counter trading, its trading floor is a bustling theatre of trading activity. The floor itself might be seen as an obsolescent inefficiency, yet it is worth noting that in dollar volume, the NYSE remains a larger market than the NASDAQ despite having less listings. The NYSE is called a hybrid market because customers are given the choice of whether to send orders for immediate electronic execution or whether to submit an order to the trading floor for trading in the auction market. The preservation of human interaction on the floor itself seems to embody a nostalgia inherent in "the cake mix effect" whereby the efficiency of a sequence is interrupted by redundant steps as a defense from the obsolescence of a sequence understood to have cultural value. The floor is a tradition that is alive and well, yet this phenomenon eludes the mere prerequisite of market function, effectively defending a culture whose continued presence preserves an illusion that the market is still a market.<br />
<br />
<br />
The Shanghai Stock Exchange [[Image:Xin 09020401155645001043.jpg|thumb|right|The empty trading floor in Shanghai]]<br />
<br />
In perhaps the most bizarre isolation of medium from message at a time when the space of a trading floor is obsolescent, the Shanghai Stock Exchange, though entirely electronic like NASDAQ, has a trading floor which serves no market function in performance or otherwise. As a relatively new market, the physicality of a trading floor lends authority to the electronic transactions which occur in reference to it, yet it simultaneously sits as the vacant theatre of a performance which never took place. Whereas the NYSE might be understood as a monument to trading which lays claim to cultural capital and ensures continued longevity, the Shanghai Stock Exchange physical existence seems in contrast to be legitimizing a market dependent upon foreign investors that equate the physical market with a "real" market worthy of investment. The market extends Robert Venturi's visual joke into unexpected territory, announcing "I AM A MARKET" in spite of foreign anxieties which might argue otherwise.<br />
<br />
= The Market as an Object of Representation and Modeling=<br />
This section will look at how the market as an object was subsumed by "the economy," following Timothy Mitchell's argument in his article, "Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century". Mitchell argues that the objectification of the market and the economy is accomplished by economic, econometric, and governmental attempts to keep track of monetary exchange. In other words, measurements of the market serve to constitute the object they seek to measure (Mitchell 2005). Following Mitchell's argument and drawing from Randy Martin's book, ''An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management'', we propose that the death of the market as a media object was accomplished by the same process that made it; measurements of market activity become the condition of possibility for this activity in such a way that measuring and regulatory acts become immanent to actual commodities. Commodities now no longer need the frame of the market to act as a structure, providing the affordances and prohibitions of exchange. Now these regulatory/technical capacities are embedded in commodities such as derivatives and securities, as Randy Martin demonstrates.<br />
<br />
== The Market as a Medium ==<br />
<br />
In addition to asking how the market comes to be an object, it is relevant for this project to ask, to what extent can the market be characterized as a medium? And, insofar as it is a medium, to what extent can the market be characterized as a dead medium?<br />
<br />
In order to answer these questions, one must consider different definitions and uses of the word, market.<br />
<br />
1) Fernand Braudel defines the market as that which mediates between material life and economic life. This understanding is obsolete because the possibility of mediation requires a prior separation between the two entities--in this case material and economic life--being mediated. A Marxist reading of capitalism, especially as it was taken up by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics, suggests that material and economic life are no longer separate, that the economy has become a condition of possibility for material life, and is therefore immanent to it. The market as a medium in this regard is dead.<br />
<br />
2) The market can also refer to a physical place where commodities are exchanged, as in a marketplace. This is similar to Mitchell's discussion of the market before the use of the word economy to refer to an object of economic analysis. This market is an inert space where the lives of people and the fruits of the land interact. In this case it is a passive medium through which commodities are exchanged. The message being mediated is the trade between the commodity and money, but the marketplace does not mediate this message. The medium is actually the socially agreed up or legal rules that determine the contract of exchange. It is these rules that construct the space as a market, and it has been proven that exchange can happen without being enclosed in a spatial entity determined to be a marketplace. The market as a spatial entity is dead insofar as merchants and buyers no longer have to go to a physical place to engage in acts of exchange. The contracts determining an act of exchange do not require all parties to be in the same place, and with the internet, parties engaged in an act of exchange to do not have to make contact at the same time. <br />
<br />
It is even necessary to consider the death of exchange, for exchange implies that all parties lose one object (either a commodity or money) and gain another. However, value is now generated from situations of loss and lack, and from the differentials between predicted prices (See section entitled "Investing in Risk" below). '''It may be now be possible to talk about a production of value independent of exchange.''' <br />
<br />
3) The market is also a conceptual category referring to a specific type of commodity that can be bought and sold (i.e., the job market, the stock market). The stipulation is that there has to be more than one seller offering the commodity to at least one buyer. The sellers exist in a market competing for the buyers, who can choose between them. In this case the competitive conditions impact the price. In this way There is argument about whether this type of free market in which prices are determined by supply and demand under conditions of competition is alive or dead. Manuel DeLanda argues that capitalism is an anti-market because price is regulated by factors other than supply and demand in a competitive market; in other words, price is imposed from outside the market (DeLanda, Markets and Antimarkets in the World Economy).<br />
<br />
4) Another meaning for the word market is an aggregate of economic exchange in a given totality, such as "the U.S. market". Mitchell argues that the market in this definition is an object of calculation and analysis, and that therefore the acts of objectification comprise the object we know as the market. According to Mitchell, "the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism" (Mitchell 2007, 7). By this logic, capitalism is a sort of matrix or substrate made of the technical enactment of boundaries between inside and outside. The boundary-making itself is the substance of capitalism. This speaks to McCluhan's famous statement that "the medium is message". In this case the analysis of markets become the condition of possibility for markets, and this condition of possibility is the actual medium. <br />
<br />
The question remains, what message is being mediated here. Mitchell's analysis serves to show that the market is not actually a bounded object, and because of this we can presuppose autonomy for any entities between which the market mediates. The market is no longer a medium.<br />
<br />
== The Market as an Organic Body ==<br />
<br />
In Braudel's definition of the market, his use of the term "economic life" implies that economic activity is alive, or that it is a site where life happens. Timothy Mitchell finds that dominant ideas of the market before the 1930s treated it as an aggregate of life forces, or "individual utilities" (Mitchell 2005, 129). The Malthusian relationship between land fertility and population size comprised the object of analysis as "an organic world of human settlement, agriculture, and the movement of populations, goods, and wealth" (Mitchell 2005, 128). <br />
<br />
Towards the end of the 1800s, the idea of the market as a separate surface began, but it was not yet a "self-contained sphere, imagined as machine whose internal mechanisms and exchanges separate it from other social processes (Mitchell 2005, 128). Rather, "The object of analysis was made up of forces, conceived as individual utilities, that were assumed to be in balance. The site of this mechanical equilibrium was 'the market'.... As a neutral, planar surface, the market of neoclassical economics had no depth, no dynamic structure, no forces of its own, no 'macro' dimension that could be described apart from the individual utilities that moved across it. It was an inert, unmoving space" (Mitchell 2005, 129). In this characterization, the market was not seen as a system. It was rather a space that could be filled with individual energy; this is quite different from the current idea of "the economy" as a thermodynamic system in which the whole exerts force onto each of the parts. In this older conception of the market, the equilibrium of individual forces was not imposed by a greater whole, but seemed to arise naturally. <br />
<br />
Mitchell argues that the term, "economy" was not used in its contemporary sense, as an object of economic analysis, until it was actually taken as an object of economic analysis by econometrics in the 1930s. This was around the same time John Maynard Keynes began to refer to "the economic system as a whole" (Mitchell 2005, 130). Mitchell characterizes econometrics as "the attempt to create a mathematical representation of the entire economic process as a self-contained and dynamic mechanism" (Mitchell 2005, 131). At this point the dynamism of the economy incorporates or subsumes a collection of markets into itself. Economic processes are seen as a totality and it is possible to distinguish between that which is internal and that which is external to this totality. External forces impact the economy, causing "reverberations throughout the internal machine" (Mitchell 2005, 133). <br />
<br />
This notion of the economy as a system seems to persist, but perhaps with an important development. It is still understood as a systemic totality, but the external forces that impact it have been subsumed into the economy (partly through the statistical measurements of aggregates and averages such as gross national product and average spending). It is understood more like an organism than a machine requiring a human laborer. Randy Martin describes this organic model: "An economy could become overheated and melt down or explode. The social sciences more generally were predicated on this image of a closed system. The system adapted to internal strains by growth and differentiation. It maintained boundaries, kept out threatening uncertainties, and externalized unintended consequences from its internal decisions" (Martin, 28-29).<br />
<br />
=== The Death of Equilibrium/Equilibrium as Death ===<br />
<br />
Organic models of systems describe systems as thermodynamic, operating like a thermostat that adjusts to external stimuli, or adapts external stimuli to it, in such a way that the system maintains equilibrium. Business cycle models of the market speak the language of thermodynamics because the market returns to the same stages each time it goes through a cycle. However, some contemporary critiques of capitalism argue that capitalism operates more as a ''state'' of instability than a ''system'' at equilibrium (See Clough 2007). <br />
<br />
Randy Martin looks at this problem of equilibrium/disequilibrium in terms of the financial logic of risk that, he argues, has permeated economic thinking and has defined the subject as an investor. Martin traces the U.S.'s switch from a creditor to a debtor nation in the 1980s, when the nation began to operate through consumption without production. During this time risk became a sign of strength and power and the need for stability was a sign of weakness, now associated with the third world (Martin, 28). Being in debt, which used to be a sign of weakness, became a source of value. Debt is repackaged into securities. <br />
<br />
Beginning in the late 1970s after the U.S. dollar was delinked from the gold standard, "monetary movement was being freed to spread the wealth. Equilibrium-- key to Bretton Woods and early monetarist currency controls-- was no longer a condition of exchange. The dollar's spread, the expansion of debt and speculation, fostered disequilibrium and its attendant risks as a new horizon of opportunity. Fixing exchange to a physical standard perpetuated the image of the economy as a closed system. It could grow in proportion to the balance of inputs and outputs" (Martin, 29). According to Martin, money's attachment to the gold standard provided a kind of mystification that had a performative function; it created a "system-based moral and political economy" that was then overtaken by financial reason: in Martin's words, "when the investor who knows no country elbowed out the consumer-citizen of the nation-state, the organic closed system, result of the social sciences' unacknowledged metaphorizing of the social, was morphing into a different kind of beast" (Martin, 29). The a delinking of the subject from the nation-state goes hand-in-hand with the advent of the investor, who is a self-managing risk-taker. <br />
<br />
Within this finance economy, speculation is the only way to thrive economically, and speculation relies on both present and future instability and unpredictability (for more on unpredictability, see Clough). It is the very lack of predictability of capitalism that makes speculation such a profitable game; if the economy were truly predictable, than there would be no competition for correct guesses and measurements, and a securities package would not be a commodity.<br />
<br />
== New Encodings ==<br />
<br />
A capitalist market needs to have what Timothy Mitchell calls an "apparatus of representation" in order to convert material into abstract capital. He argues that failing capitalist economies differ from their succeeding counterparts because of how their wealth is held, not because of how much wealth they have. It is a matter of coding material into a symbolic system: "Representations of material goods transform their value into abstract forms, which can live an 'invisible, parallel life' alongside their physical existence. The West has invented procedures to create these invisible forms. Individuals in the West can unlock the assets accumulated in physical property, transforming material wealth into abstract capital" (Mitchell 2007, 9). <br />
<br />
Evidence of this claim lies in how markets and nonmarkets are distinguished by economists: "...in describing what this nonmarket world lacks, neoclassical economics tends to diagnose its defects as an absence of techniques of representation. Things are stuck outside the market because they are not properly represented-- by property records, prices, or other systems of reference. What economic analysis does, however, is not to represent what was previously unrepresented, but to try and reorganize the circulation and control of representations" (Mitchell 2007, 7). This circulation of representations is not only happening in the realm of the social sciences, but is an economic circulation. In fact, a derivative can be described as a packaged representation of a fluctuation in price that can be bought and sold as a commodity. This exemplifies the way in which value is generated by coding, not merely by quantities of material wealth. <br />
<br />
=== Coding of Risk, Instability ===<br />
<br />
How to understand market activity after the traditional market dies. Instead of coding commodities as valuable (Mitchell, 2007), Randy Martin argues that capitalism is following a financial logic, which extracts value from predicting future price fluctuations, interest rates, exchange rates, and packages this risk into new kinds of commodities, such as derivatives and securities.<br />
<br />
"Properly ascertained risk, not growth per se, is what yields rewards. The trade in risk avoidance devolves into a profit on risk itself" (Martin, 33).==== Futurity in the Present ====<br />
<br />
Another way to probe this idea of the death of the market as a system at equilibrium is to think about the non-linear time made possible by predictions. As Martin illustrates in his discussion of derivatives, Branding: "In its infinite differentiation of product ranges, branding plays with a combination of familiarity plus novelty, a ''past-futurity''. New memories installed that you have not phenomenologically experienced in order to produce a certain receptivity to brand triggers" (Parisi and Goodman, 2006).<br />
<br />
<br />
==== Derivatives ====<br />
<br />
A derivative is a contract on "some variation in price" (Martin, 31). EXAMPLE: "a firm selling a product overseas that will not be deliverable for several years will create a contract to fix currency exchange rates for the time when the product is finished. The expected difference between current and future exchange rates can then be sold as a separate commodity" (Martin, 31). "A similar contract could hedge against a change in interest rates, or the price of raw materials, or delivery costs" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
<br />
"Derivatives remove reference from the commodity. They allow debt to serve as a productive medium from which countless commodities can be spawned. Derivatives are promissory notes issued between firms. They represent a prime vehicle with which industrial corporations undertake the function of banks by engaging in financial services." (Martin, 31)<br />
<br />
"The derivative is a sign of the shift in the beneficiaries of development from populations or nations to other economic actors. Those who can steward risk will advance....The capacity for financial decision making trumps democratic involvement to decide political representation" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
==== Securities ====<br />
<br />
<br />
Spatial Representation''':<br />
<br />
The purpose of any space is determined by both the symbols used to<br />
designate where one is (ie an open for business sign), and the<br />
practices that take place there. In "Learning From Las Vegas," Robert<br />
Venturi takes a close look at how the Vegas Strip (in the late 60's)<br />
consisted of buildings that were differentiated primarily by flashy<br />
signs decorating unoriginal buildings (what he called the "decorated<br />
shed." He traced the phenomenon to the impact of speed on<br />
architecture - mainly that in a landscape where one drives past<br />
buildings, signs enable one to differentiate one space from another at<br />
a faster speed than differentiated architectures could (which is why<br />
signs matter so much for businesses on highways).<br />
<br />
What makes this so interesting is that when semiotics are reintroduced<br />
into architecture, communicating the specific use of a generic space,<br />
buildings enter a mediated realm - And I think that's key here - that<br />
when people believe they're in a market when they see a "market" sign,<br />
it enables the use of a spatial semiotic to successfully mediate the<br />
entire space provided that the same activity occurs - which is really<br />
just to say that the Las Vegas strip is this intermediate phenomenon<br />
whereby we all can find what we want in foreign places, and that's<br />
precisely the mechanism by which we can create a market without the<br />
actual space of a market (a shopping cart icon does the trick!).<br />
<br />
'''Immanent Representation''':<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
Braudel, Fernand. 1982. The wheels of commerce. New York: Harper & Row.<br />
<br />
Buck-Morss, Susan. Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display. Critical Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter, 1995), pp. 434-467. The University of Chicago Press<br />
<br />
Clough, Patricia, et. al. 2007. Notes Towards a Theory of Affect Itself. ''ephemera: theory and politics in organization''. 7(1):60-77.<br />
<br />
Jameson Fredric, “Culture and Finance Capital,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1, (1997 ), pp. 246-265. <br />
<br />
Martin, Randy. 2007. And Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management. Durham and London: Duke University Press.<br />
<br />
Massumi, Brian. The Future Birth of the Affective Fact. DATE JOURNAL<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. 2005. Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century. ''The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences: Positivism and its Epistemological Others'', edited by George Steinmetz.<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. [From an early version of the following paper.] 2007. The Properties of Markets. ''Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics''. Edited by Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />
<br />
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Braudel on Capitalism, or Everything Upside Down” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 2, A Special Issue on Modern France (Jun., 1991), pp. 354-361</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=The_Market&diff=4653The Market2008-04-16T18:56:29Z<p>Samhan: /* What is a market? */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Image:Shopping Cart.jpg]]<br />
<br />
In this dossier's engagement with the intersection of the built and mediated environment, we interpret Marshall McLuhan's argument that the remediation process whereby one medium survives as the content of another is the preservation of a distinct ''function'' in the midst of informatic and material transformation. This is not to suggest any predetermined trajectory of cultural obsolescence whereby a pre-existing function is stripped of cultural obstacles in its way, but rather to note that, ''in hindsight, content's transformative mechanism of appropriation enables us to examine behavioral systems, and the environment that housed them, as dead media,'' and that such dead media provide insights into a story of the concentration and distillation of culture into the symbolic content of later media which house cultural remains. <br />
<br />
Within the larger discussion of critical techniques this Archive attempts to employ, this dossier might also best be understood as an attempt to bridge our understanding of the isolation of <br />
medium from message (in the Hermes model) with our understanding of the communicative properties of materials which exhibit no such fragmentation (in the Iris model), as well as the rhizomatic, independent, message function that, in its ubiquitous employabilty, conforms to no specific medium (the Furies model). Far from suggesting an evolutionary hierarchy towards the immaterial, the market may, however, provide deeper insights into our understanding of the remediating processes at work in each of the three. <br />
<br />
We trace the process whereby the concentration of trading behavior and its eventual standardization was enabled by its enclosure in the space of the market, and the processes whereby this concentration separated market activity from a distinct built environment, isolating a function which is non-physical and anticipates the remediation of the market in the scripting content of immaterial spaces. Although we make no attempt to argue that physical market sites no longer exist, we do attempt to expose the informatic and material shifts that have obsolesced such physical environments, rendering the built environments that remain stages which serve a social function that is, in itself, a commodity. We identify the legacy of this fragmentation in the built environment and in the spaces which now bear witness to the market function in unexpected forms, yet we hope that future contributions will enrich and complicate the conceptual and mediatic transformations that accompanied the resurrection of symbolism in architecture.<br />
<br />
[[Image:Colourful shopping carts.jpg|thumb|right| What was once a spatial locality with a distinct form and use is now pure function with no distinct materiality]] [[Image:TUR1491SpiceBazaar.jpg]] <br />
<br />
=The History of Exchange= <br />
<br />
<br />
==The Market in Capitalism==<br />
<br />
===What is a market?===<br />
Is there such thing as a "pre-capitalist" market? To posit a pre-“anything” is to argue an implicit periodization of a concept. And undoubtedly, to suggest that there was a mode of representation or media such as “the market” so entrenched within the cultural values and practices of capitalism that preceded it, would also then require some explaining. Thankfully, in this task, we follow historian Fernand Braudel, who has undertaken massive volumes of study in this area. The trajectory of Braudel’s project, in line with his Annales colleagues more generally, is to provide a historiography of capitalism does not reify the very object of analysis—the ever-expanding, seemingly amoebic process called capitalism, which Marx himself referred to as comparable to “queer things abounding.” The danger would be to overlook how the market embodies the shifting historic-economic transition from merchant to industrial to finance capitalism. <br />
<br />
With respect to Marx and the present study at hand, it could be argued that Marx dealt the strongest blow the concept of the market as a fixed, spatial location of exchange; so why even proceed? Well, indeed, “the market” as a spatial category very much plays a large part in various spheres of life, most pressingly the cultural, social and political. Moreover, many scholars, Frederic Jameson most famously, have even suggested that the economic has fallen to the level of culture (See Jameson). In such arguments, there is an assumed de-differentiation of previously separate spheres. The guiding question in this section will be (roughly): How did the market become differentiated in the first place?<br />
<br />
===Braudel's Typology===<br />
1.All of types of exchange that go beyond self-sufficiency, of all the wheels of trade, large and small, that we have described, of all the categories relating to trading areas (urban market, national market) or to a given product (the market in sugar, precious metals, spices etc.). In this sense the word is the equivalent of exchange, circulation and distribution. <br />
<br />
2.Large broad form of exchange, also known as market economy.<br />
<br />
==The Market as Interface of Digital and Analog==<br />
Braudel makes a distinction between “material life” and “economic life,” suggesting that the market, stalls and shops form a discontinuous contact surface between the two. By “material life” he means the most elementary, autarkic societies and by “economic life” he means commerce, currencies, and exchanges (Braudel, 21). Hence, the market is a medium in the sense that it translates the “non-economy, imprisoned within self-sufficiency” to the level of “exchange-“or “market-value.” The discontinuity, for Braudel, is clearly rooted his positing some sort of non-economy that precedes full-blown capitalism. In other words, Braudel envisions precapitalist market as being discontinuous and spontaneous whereas the “true capitalist” market becomes continuous and permanently reified as “the market.” Is this distinction between discontinuity and continuity also that of digital and analog? Here, it can be argued that Braudel’s point is a bit nostalgic. That is to say, that Braudel’s overarching project to delink what he calls “economic life” from capitalism, which he sometimes refers to as “true capitalism”(Wallerstein, 354) necessitates a level of fixity in what he calls a market (as opposed to anti-market). Immanuel Wallerstein helps us understand this part of Braudel very clearly. He suggests that that Braudel makes a clear distinction between “economic life” and “material life.” Economic life moves out of the unconscious routine of the daily life towards a more conscious and active process of the division of labor (Wallerstein, 355). Framed within admittedly fraught distinction between continuous/discontinuous, we can suggest that for Braudel the material life is analog; hence unconscious, though nevertheless full of regularities. Economic life, that is “true capitalist” life, is too then perceivably analog as it is an instrumental, goal-oriented activity of production bounded in the smoothness of consciousness. But indeed, the market is that which interfaces and mediates the economic life into material life. In addition, Wallerstein suggests that Braudel sees that market economy as transparent, whereas material life (below) and economic life (above) are shadowy and opaque, in contrast. However, the zone above, on the other hand, (the economy) the zone of capitalism, was opaque, in this case because capitalists wanted it so. It was a zone in which “certain groups of privileged actors were engaged in circuits and calculations that ordinary people knew nothing of” (Braudel as quoted in Wallerstein, 355). Thus, in this mediation, there is a “blackboxing” of the guts of exchange. The market economy (or the antimarket) does not show the immanent negotiation of the market transaction, and indeed the fixing of the market-price. Price control, which Susan Buck-Morss rightly notes becomes the representational bottom-line of the market (Buck-Morss, 463). <br />
<br />
(The specific definition of the market is rendered even in the layout of the three volumes of Braudel’s Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century.) Against Polanyi, he argues that “the market” as a vital component of the “market economy” is a consolidation, rationalization and even remediation of practices or instruments of exchange, which existed centuries prior to the 15th century, when we see the emergence of the ordinary market (e.g., the farmer’s market). The farmer’s market is characterized by what Braudel labels “immediate exchange,” describing it as such: “goods are sold on the spot, the purchases are taken and paid for there and then. Credit is hardly used…”(Ibid., 29). Immediate exchange had been practiced centuries or millennia before in ancient Greece, classical China, the Americas (Aztecs) and all over Africa. <br />
<br />
==Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange==<br />
In the 15th century, markets were held twice a week in towns and urban centers in theory only. Especially in cities such as Paris, markets were held daily. The twice-a-week rule was not so much an effect of regulation but of necessity, as the surrounding countryside needed time to supply them. During the 17th century, the shift from being held in between town and countryside to being held at the heart of towns, usually in the town squares. As towns continued to grow in size, so did the markets, to the point where the tiny town squares could no longer accommodate the number of vendors coming to sell their goods. Here are Braudel’s words: “And since they [markets] represented modernity on the march, their growth allowed no obstacle to bar their way: they could with impunity impose on their surroundings their congestion, their rubbish and their obstinate gatherings of people” (Braudel, 31). The solution adopted was that of banishing them to the outskirts of town. However, as a reaction against this measure, markets would appear as open spaces would open up, especially seasonally with the freezing over of rivers, on which goods could be brought back and forth via sled. Braudel recounts two such examples—Moscow’s Moscova river and London’s Thames. The latter is most famously represented in the adjoining engraving. <br />
[[Image:FaironThames.jpg|thumb|right|Fair on Thames 1683]]<br />
<br />
===Enclosing and Encoding the Market===<br />
Markets existed in very ancient times within a single village or group of villages—the market being a sort of itinerant village, as the fair was a sort of traveling town. But the decisive step in this long history was taken when the town appropriated these little markets. It absorbed them and inflated them to its own dimensions, in return having to accept the demands they made on it. <br />
<br />
The urban markets may have been invented by the Phoenicians. The Greek city-states had a market on the agora. The proliferation of markets beyond the town squares elicited a response by towns to take regulatory measures, the most significant of which was the construction of covered markets (halls or halles), at times surrounded by open-air markets (Braudel, 33). In the 16th century, the towns and cities of England saw a series of markethalls with different names spring up, often at the experience of a wealthy local merchant disposed to be generous. The word halle could mean several things then, from a simple covered market to the mighty buildings and complicated organizations of the Halles which were from a very early date ‘the belly of Paris.’ What is of note is that these were mostly permanent and specialized. London, for example, by 1660, halls had “full-time employees, and a whole complicated administration” (Braudel, 33). <br />
[[Image:Halle.jpg |thumb|left|Halles in Britanny, late 16th century]]<br />
The Halles was a huge combination of covered spaces and open spaces, its pillars holding up the arcades of neighboring houses, and surrounded by a bustling commercial life on the fringes of the central market, taking advantage of the disorder and sprawl and creating more of both to its own profit. Additionally, it marked the beginning of the usage of the term “market” as associated with a specific good such as “labor market.” Though it seems like a minor detail in the history of commerce, the covering of markets, we would argue, is a major turning-point or "break boundary" as "the system generated by the artifact suddenly changes into another or passes some point of no return in its dynamic processes" (quoted from Critical Techniques page). Once markets were covered and centralized, we see that the political interventions on markets would follow to delimit the contingent and spontaneous nature of markets. <br />
<br />
[[Image:Markettownsinwales.jpg|thumb|right| 800 Market Towns in England/Wales 1500-1640]]<br />
With the springing of markets all over various cities, towns began to intervene, once again, through spatial restrictions. London, again, provides a very enlightening example for Braudel. With the London market came the dislocation of the traditional market (public, nothing could be concealed), producer-vendor and buyer-consumer meet face to face. The distance between the two was becoming too great to be traveled by ordinary people. The merchant, or middleman, had already, from at least the thirteenth century, made his appearance in England, as a go-between for town and country, in particular in the corn trade. Gradually, chains of intermediaries were set up between producer and merchant on one hand, and between merchant and retailer on the other; along these chains passed the bulk of the trade in butter, cheese, poultry produce, fruit, vegetables and milk (Braudel, 42). Moreover, beyond goods of produce and industry (mostly crafts), land also became traded on the market. The market is then, in turn, a coterminous concept with “commodity,” as it becomes a facilitating medium for commodities. It becomes the connection, or encoding interface by which the commodity could be transformed from use-value to exchange-value. By encoding, I mean to suggest that the market becomes part of the grammar of commodities in market capitalism. How this functions I would argue is that the market becomes the system of rationality that is able to bring within a bounded geographical and symbolic system, effectively doing away with the barter system of mercantilism, and instating a mode of representation with its unit of measurement being the commodity. After it is enclosed and encoded, the market becomes the sole means by which to exchange, thus acting as a formal prohibition for all economic activity. Markets become the dominant economic media. <br />
The market then is the condition of possibility for commodities, but “the null point of social community (Buck-Morss, 437). Susan Buck-Morss goes so far as to argue that the market then elicits a certain mode of subjectivity that undergirds the market and commodity—the economic actor that is a, harkening back to the Freudian theory of human as a “bundle of instincts,” a “bounded rationality” (Buck-Morss, 466). Bounded rationality for Buck-Morss, is indicative of the effects of market-encoding or market-modeling that points towards the “depersonalization of exchange” (Buck-Morss, 437).<br />
<br />
=Theatricality in the creation of a consuming subject=<br />
<br />
Although there is much disagreement as to when consumer culture emerged fully formed, it is clear that the social transformation that accompanied its arrival required an unprecedented effort to pursuade individuals to consume as a way of life. The combined forces of advertising, branding and strategic exhibition of foreign objects, colluded in an elaborate performance which sought to embed curiosity in consuming subjects eager to witness the magic of a marketplace disrupting traditional social fabric. Although<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=Semiotics in the Liberation of Function from Form=<br />
[[Image:Monument.jpg|right|thumb|Robert Venturi's "Recommendation for a monument" from [[Learning From Las Vegas]], 1972]]<br />
<br />
<br />
''... ours is not the environment for heroic communication through pure architecture. Each medium has its day, and the rhetorical environmental statements of our time – civic, commercial, or residential – will come from media more purely symbolic, perhaps less static and more adaptable to the scale of our environment. The iconography and mixed media of roadside commercial architecture will point the way if we will look. Housing for the elderly on the Oak Street Connector, if it had to be a monument, would have been more economical, socially responsible and amenable as a conventional apartment building,lost by the side of the expressway, with a big sign on top blinking, I AM A MONUMENT. Decoration is cheaper. <br />
<br />
- Robert Venturi,"Learning From Las Vegas," 1972''<br />
<br />
<br />
----<br />
[[Image:Vegas strip.jpg|thumb|right|The Upper Strip Looking North]]<br />
[[Image:Normal wedding-chapel-las-vegas.jpg|thumb|right|A Vegas chapel: function legitimated through semiotics]]<br />
<br />
When Robert Venturi looked to the vernacular architecture on the Las Vegas strip in the late 1960's, he saw a resurrection of symbolism in the built environment that had seemed destined for extinction in the wake of architectural modernism. Whereas the Bauhaus' legacy in modernism had stripped buildings of ornament in an attempt to unify form with function, Venturi was amazed to find a Las Vegas strip dotted with generic buildings differentiated only by elaborate ornamental signs designating the unique functions and identities of otherwise identical spaces. <br />
<br />
The Vegas strip not only violated a progression away from decoration (which led many to credit Venturi's text as the first postmodern architectural manifesto) but brought more clearly into focus the impact of the automobile upon architecture that needed to be identified from greater distances over shorter durations of time. Whereas the heroic communication of pure architecture had in the past led to forms and facades which - albeit imperfectly - communicated the activities contained within them, Venturi noted that in a land of highways and commercial strips the same system of (road) signs that enabled standardized navigation of an entire continent also enabled a faster recognition of the buildings and spaces one passed by. The vital necessity of introducing semiotic distinctions between buildings exemplified the spatial distortions that accompany accelerated movement and the distribution of communities across expanding territories.<br />
<br />
Whereas the built environment brought countless aspects of human activity into existence by anchoring them in physical space, what Venturi exposed was the cultural appropriation of semiotic systems to designate spaces whose distinctive architecture had not yet been invented. In his iconic “Recommendation for a monument” his sarcastic suggestion that decoration upon generic form was the most ethical and economic method of design, exposed the complete lack of subtlety in designs that managed to serve specific functions in the absence of architectural innovation. Rather than create a home for new human activity, it was clear that one need only name a space in order for it to serve a specific function. Although modular, multipurpose, space had been realized long ago behind the glass curtain walls of modern skyscapers, after 1972, one could not escape the vulgar conclusion that the space itself was a nostalgic theatre enabling the suspension of disbelief which designated the offices of one box from the warehouse or monument of another.<br />
<br />
In essence, symbolism had invaded space rendering residual communicative modalities in architectural form (the steeple, the column, the storefront) which directed activities within them unnecessary. In a traditional town one might recognize a church by a steeple, and civic institutions by classical architecture – but in Las Vegas one needed only to read a sign that read “CHAPEL” and a marriage could be performed. Resistance to the glass curtain and the modernist box need not be overcome by a radical re-education of a public in modernist aesthetics, but by the complete removal of ambiguity through the ultimate abstraction of the sign. Buildings had entered a realm of mediation, and the Las Vegas strip presented an intermediate phenomenon whereby one could could navigate a foreign landscape and locate a desired service or commodity in spite of all unfamiliarity with the landscape itself. <br />
<br />
Venturi's Monument, like a Vegas chapel, anticipates the remediation of spatial phenomena in immaterial spaces and illustrates that function itself is not material, but something performed by actors engaged in a collective fiction. Once it was plainly clear that all the world was a stage, it followed that with the proper, scripting, semiotic device, the market no longer needed to be a specific locality in order to function as a market.<br />
----<br />
<br />
= Market as Stage: A comparison of three Stock Markets=<br />
<br />
NASDAQ [[Image:Nasdaq0952.jpg|thumb|right|NASDAQ's only physical manifestations are purely symbolic, they fully realize Venturi's conception of an alternative medium housing the functions that previously required a complex and unique architecture]]<br />
<br />
On February 8, 1971, a year prior to Venturi's publication of "Learning From Las Vegas," the world witnessed the birth of the first purely electronic stock market, NASDAQ. In contrast to traditional stock markets, NASDAQ's elimination of a trading floor helped to minimize the spread between the bid price and the ask price of a stock through it's computer bulletin board system. Although the market initially did not connect buyers and sellers directly, it presented a successor to over-the-counter finance and introduced a market function that did not depend on person to person trade. NASDAQ initially relied upon the use of telephones to connect buyers, brokers and sellers, yet currently relies upon electronic communication networks. As the world's largest stock market, in terms of companies listed and trades per day, NASDAQ is a functioning market without the spatial enclosure of a market, a product of the information age, and a phenomenon which illuminates the theatrical gestures elsewhere to preserve and exhibit a non-essential spatiality.<br />
<br />
The New York Stock Exchange [[Image:TRADING floor 042007.jpg|thumb|right|Chaos on the NYSE trading floor constitutes genuine trading activity kept alive through the hybrid market's "cake mix effect"]]<br />
<br />
Although the New York Stock exchange no longer engages in over-the-counter trading, its trading floor is a bustling theatre of trading activity. The floor itself might be seen as an obsolescent inefficiency, yet it is worth noting that in dollar volume, the NYSE remains a larger market than the NASDAQ despite having less listings. The NYSE is called a hybrid market because customers are given the choice of whether to send orders for immediate electronic execution or whether to submit an order to the trading floor for trading in the auction market. The preservation of human interaction on the floor itself seems to embody a nostalgia inherent in "the cake mix effect" whereby the efficiency of a sequence is interrupted by redundant steps as a defense from the obsolescence of a sequence understood to have cultural value. The floor is a tradition that is alive and well, yet this phenomenon eludes the mere prerequisite of market function, effectively defending a culture whose continued presence preserves an illusion that the market is still a market.<br />
<br />
<br />
The Shanghai Stock Exchange [[Image:Xin 09020401155645001043.jpg|thumb|right|The empty trading floor in Shanghai]]<br />
<br />
In perhaps the most bizarre isolation of medium from message at a time when the space of a trading floor is obsolescent, the Shanghai Stock Exchange, though entirely electronic like NASDAQ, has a trading floor which serves no market function in performance or otherwise. As a relatively new market, the physicality of a trading floor lends authority to the electronic transactions which occur in reference to it, yet it simultaneously sits as the vacant theatre of a performance which never took place. Whereas the NYSE might be understood as a monument to trading which lays claim to cultural capital and ensures continued longevity, the Shanghai Stock Exchange physical existence seems in contrast to be legitimizing a market dependent upon foreign investors that equate the physical market with a "real" market worthy of investment. The market extends Robert Venturi's visual joke into unexpected territory, announcing "I AM A MARKET" in spite of foreign anxieties which might argue otherwise.<br />
<br />
= The Market as an Object of Representation and Modeling=<br />
This section will look at how the market as an object was subsumed by "the economy," following Timothy Mitchell's argument in his article, "Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century". Mitchell argues that the objectification of the market and the economy is accomplished by economic, econometric, and governmental attempts to keep track of monetary exchange. In other words, measurements of the market serve to constitute the object they seek to measure (Mitchell 2005). Following Mitchell's argument and drawing from Randy Martin's book, ''An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management'', we propose that the death of the market as a media object was accomplished by the same process that made it; measurements of market activity become the condition of possibility for this activity in such a way that measuring and regulatory acts become immanent to actual commodities. Commodities now no longer need the frame of the market to act as a structure, providing the affordances and prohibitions of exchange. Now these regulatory/technical capacities are embedded in commodities such as derivatives and securities, as Randy Martin demonstrates.<br />
<br />
== The Market as a Medium ==<br />
<br />
In addition to asking how the market comes to be an object, it is relevant for this project to ask, to what extent can the market be characterized as a medium? And, insofar as it is a medium, to what extent can the market be characterized as a dead medium?<br />
<br />
In order to answer these questions, one must consider different definitions and uses of the word, market.<br />
<br />
1) Fernand Braudel defines the market as that which mediates between material life and economic life. This understanding is obsolete because the possibility of mediation requires a prior separation between the two entities--in this case material and economic life--being mediated. A Marxist reading of capitalism, especially as it was taken up by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics, suggests that material and economic life are no longer separate, that the economy has become a condition of possibility for material life, and is therefore immanent to it. The market as a medium in this regard is dead.<br />
<br />
2) The market can also refer to a physical place where commodities are exchanged, as in a marketplace. This is similar to Mitchell's discussion of the market before the use of the word economy to refer to an object of economic analysis. This market is an inert space where the lives of people and the fruits of the land interact. In this case it is a passive medium through which commodities are exchanged. The message being mediated is the trade between the commodity and money, but the marketplace does not mediate this message. The medium is actually the socially agreed up or legal rules that determine the contract of exchange. It is these rules that construct the space as a market, and it has been proven that exchange can happen without being enclosed in a spatial entity determined to be a marketplace. The market as a spatial entity is dead insofar as merchants and buyers no longer have to go to a physical place to engage in acts of exchange. The contracts determining an act of exchange do not require all parties to be in the same place, and with the internet, parties engaged in an act of exchange to do not have to make contact at the same time. <br />
<br />
It is even necessary to consider the death of exchange, for exchange implies that all parties lose one object (either a commodity or money) and gain another. However, value is now generated from situations of loss and lack, and from the differentials between predicted prices (See section entitled "Investing in Risk" below). '''It may be now be possible to talk about a production of value independent of exchange.''' <br />
<br />
3) The market is also a conceptual category referring to a specific type of commodity that can be bought and sold (i.e., the job market, the stock market). The stipulation is that there has to be more than one seller offering the commodity to at least one buyer. The sellers exist in a market competing for the buyers, who can choose between them. In this case the competitive conditions impact the price. In this way There is argument about whether this type of free market in which prices are determined by supply and demand under conditions of competition is alive or dead. Manuel DeLanda argues that capitalism is an anti-market because price is regulated by factors other than supply and demand in a competitive market; in other words, price is imposed from outside the market (DeLanda, Markets and Antimarkets in the World Economy).<br />
<br />
4) Another meaning for the word market is an aggregate of economic exchange in a given totality, such as "the U.S. market". Mitchell argues that the market in this definition is an object of calculation and analysis, and that therefore the acts of objectification comprise the object we know as the market. According to Mitchell, "the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism" (Mitchell 2007, 7). By this logic, capitalism is a sort of matrix or substrate made of the technical enactment of boundaries between inside and outside. The boundary-making itself is the substance of capitalism. This speaks to McCluhan's famous statement that "the medium is message". In this case the analysis of markets become the condition of possibility for markets, and this condition of possibility is the actual medium. <br />
<br />
The question remains, what message is being mediated here. Mitchell's analysis serves to show that the market is not actually a bounded object, and because of this we can presuppose autonomy for any entities between which the market mediates. The market is no longer a medium.<br />
<br />
== The Market as an Organic Body ==<br />
<br />
In Braudel's definition of the market, his use of the term "economic life" implies that economic activity is alive, or that it is a site where life happens. Timothy Mitchell finds that dominant ideas of the market before the 1930s treated it as an aggregate of life forces, or "individual utilities" (Mitchell 2005, 129). The Malthusian relationship between land fertility and population size comprised the object of analysis as "an organic world of human settlement, agriculture, and the movement of populations, goods, and wealth" (Mitchell 2005, 128). <br />
<br />
Towards the end of the 1800s, the idea of the market as a separate surface began, but it was not yet a "self-contained sphere, imagined as machine whose internal mechanisms and exchanges separate it from other social processes (Mitchell 2005, 128). Rather, "The object of analysis was made up of forces, conceived as individual utilities, that were assumed to be in balance. The site of this mechanical equilibrium was 'the market'.... As a neutral, planar surface, the market of neoclassical economics had no depth, no dynamic structure, no forces of its own, no 'macro' dimension that could be described apart from the individual utilities that moved across it. It was an inert, unmoving space" (Mitchell 2005, 129). In this characterization, the market was not seen as a system. It was rather a space that could be filled with individual energy; this is quite different from the current idea of "the economy" as a thermodynamic system in which the whole exerts force onto each of the parts. In this older conception of the market, the equilibrium of individual forces was not imposed by a greater whole, but seemed to arise naturally. <br />
<br />
Mitchell argues that the term, "economy" was not used in its contemporary sense, as an object of economic analysis, until it was actually taken as an object of economic analysis by econometrics in the 1930s. This was around the same time John Maynard Keynes began to refer to "the economic system as a whole" (Mitchell 2005, 130). Mitchell characterizes econometrics as "the attempt to create a mathematical representation of the entire economic process as a self-contained and dynamic mechanism" (Mitchell 2005, 131). At this point the dynamism of the economy incorporates or subsumes a collection of markets into itself. Economic processes are seen as a totality and it is possible to distinguish between that which is internal and that which is external to this totality. External forces impact the economy, causing "reverberations throughout the internal machine" (Mitchell 2005, 133). <br />
<br />
This notion of the economy as a system seems to persist, but perhaps with an important development. It is still understood as a systemic totality, but the external forces that impact it have been subsumed into the economy (partly through the statistical measurements of aggregates and averages such as gross national product and average spending). It is understood more like an organism than a machine requiring a human laborer. Randy Martin describes this organic model: "An economy could become overheated and melt down or explode. The social sciences more generally were predicated on this image of a closed system. The system adapted to internal strains by growth and differentiation. It maintained boundaries, kept out threatening uncertainties, and externalized unintended consequences from its internal decisions" (Martin, 28-29).<br />
<br />
=== The Death of Equilibrium/Equilibrium as Death ===<br />
<br />
Organic models of systems describe systems as thermodynamic, operating like a thermostat that adjusts to external stimuli, or adapts external stimuli to it, in such a way that the system maintains equilibrium. Business cycle models of the market speak the language of thermodynamics because the market returns to the same stages each time it goes through a cycle. However, some contemporary critiques of capitalism argue that capitalism operates more as a ''state'' of instability than a ''system'' at equilibrium (See Clough 2007). <br />
<br />
Randy Martin looks at this problem of equilibrium/disequilibrium in terms of the financial logic of risk that, he argues, has permeated economic thinking and has defined the subject as an investor. Martin traces the U.S.'s switch from a creditor to a debtor nation in the 1980s, when the nation began to operate through consumption without production. During this time risk became a sign of strength and power and the need for stability was a sign of weakness, now associated with the third world (Martin, 28). Being in debt, which used to be a sign of weakness, became a source of value. Debt is repackaged into securities. <br />
<br />
Beginning in the late 1970s after the U.S. dollar was delinked from the gold standard, "monetary movement was being freed to spread the wealth. Equilibrium-- key to Bretton Woods and early monetarist currency controls-- was no longer a condition of exchange. The dollar's spread, the expansion of debt and speculation, fostered disequilibrium and its attendant risks as a new horizon of opportunity. Fixing exchange to a physical standard perpetuated the image of the economy as a closed system. It could grow in proportion to the balance of inputs and outputs" (Martin, 29). According to Martin, money's attachment to the gold standard provided a kind of mystification that had a performative function; it created a "system-based moral and political economy" that was then overtaken by financial reason: in Martin's words, "when the investor who knows no country elbowed out the consumer-citizen of the nation-state, the organic closed system, result of the social sciences' unacknowledged metaphorizing of the social, was morphing into a different kind of beast" (Martin, 29). The a delinking of the subject from the nation-state goes hand-in-hand with the advent of the investor, who is a self-managing risk-taker. <br />
<br />
Within this finance economy, speculation is the only way to thrive economically, and speculation relies on both present and future instability and unpredictability (for more on unpredictability, see Clough). It is the very lack of predictability of capitalism that makes speculation such a profitable game; if the economy were truly predictable, than there would be no competition for correct guesses and measurements, and a securities package would not be a commodity.<br />
<br />
== New Encodings ==<br />
<br />
A capitalist market needs to have what Timothy Mitchell calls an "apparatus of representation" in order to convert material into abstract capital. He argues that failing capitalist economies differ from their succeeding counterparts because of how their wealth is held, not because of how much wealth they have. It is a matter of coding material into a symbolic system: "Representations of material goods transform their value into abstract forms, which can live an 'invisible, parallel life' alongside their physical existence. The West has invented procedures to create these invisible forms. Individuals in the West can unlock the assets accumulated in physical property, transforming material wealth into abstract capital" (Mitchell 2007, 9). <br />
<br />
Evidence of this claim lies in how markets and nonmarkets are distinguished by economists: "...in describing what this nonmarket world lacks, neoclassical economics tends to diagnose its defects as an absence of techniques of representation. Things are stuck outside the market because they are not properly represented-- by property records, prices, or other systems of reference. What economic analysis does, however, is not to represent what was previously unrepresented, but to try and reorganize the circulation and control of representations" (Mitchell 2007, 7). This circulation of representations is not only happening in the realm of the social sciences, but is an economic circulation. In fact, a derivative can be described as a packaged representation of a fluctuation in price that can be bought and sold as a commodity. This exemplifies the way in which value is generated by coding, not merely by quantities of material wealth. <br />
<br />
=== Coding of Risk, Instability ===<br />
<br />
How to understand market activity after the traditional market dies. Instead of coding commodities as valuable (Mitchell, 2007), Randy Martin argues that capitalism is following a financial logic, which extracts value from predicting future price fluctuations, interest rates, exchange rates, and packages this risk into new kinds of commodities, such as derivatives and securities.<br />
<br />
"Properly ascertained risk, not growth per se, is what yields rewards. The trade in risk avoidance devolves into a profit on risk itself" (Martin, 33).==== Futurity in the Present ====<br />
<br />
Another way to probe this idea of the death of the market as a system at equilibrium is to think about the non-linear time made possible by predictions. As Martin illustrates in his discussion of derivatives, Branding: "In its infinite differentiation of product ranges, branding plays with a combination of familiarity plus novelty, a ''past-futurity''. New memories installed that you have not phenomenologically experienced in order to produce a certain receptivity to brand triggers" (Parisi and Goodman, 2006).<br />
<br />
<br />
==== Derivatives ====<br />
<br />
A derivative is a contract on "some variation in price" (Martin, 31). EXAMPLE: "a firm selling a product overseas that will not be deliverable for several years will create a contract to fix currency exchange rates for the time when the product is finished. The expected difference between current and future exchange rates can then be sold as a separate commodity" (Martin, 31). "A similar contract could hedge against a change in interest rates, or the price of raw materials, or delivery costs" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
<br />
"Derivatives remove reference from the commodity. They allow debt to serve as a productive medium from which countless commodities can be spawned. Derivatives are promissory notes issued between firms. They represent a prime vehicle with which industrial corporations undertake the function of banks by engaging in financial services." (Martin, 31)<br />
<br />
"The derivative is a sign of the shift in the beneficiaries of development from populations or nations to other economic actors. Those who can steward risk will advance....The capacity for financial decision making trumps democratic involvement to decide political representation" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
==== Securities ====<br />
<br />
<br />
Spatial Representation''':<br />
<br />
The purpose of any space is determined by both the symbols used to<br />
designate where one is (ie an open for business sign), and the<br />
practices that take place there. In "Learning From Las Vegas," Robert<br />
Venturi takes a close look at how the Vegas Strip (in the late 60's)<br />
consisted of buildings that were differentiated primarily by flashy<br />
signs decorating unoriginal buildings (what he called the "decorated<br />
shed." He traced the phenomenon to the impact of speed on<br />
architecture - mainly that in a landscape where one drives past<br />
buildings, signs enable one to differentiate one space from another at<br />
a faster speed than differentiated architectures could (which is why<br />
signs matter so much for businesses on highways).<br />
<br />
What makes this so interesting is that when semiotics are reintroduced<br />
into architecture, communicating the specific use of a generic space,<br />
buildings enter a mediated realm - And I think that's key here - that<br />
when people believe they're in a market when they see a "market" sign,<br />
it enables the use of a spatial semiotic to successfully mediate the<br />
entire space provided that the same activity occurs - which is really<br />
just to say that the Las Vegas strip is this intermediate phenomenon<br />
whereby we all can find what we want in foreign places, and that's<br />
precisely the mechanism by which we can create a market without the<br />
actual space of a market (a shopping cart icon does the trick!).<br />
<br />
'''Immanent Representation''':<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
Braudel, Fernand. 1982. The wheels of commerce. New York: Harper & Row.<br />
<br />
Buck-Morss, Susan. Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display. Critical Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter, 1995), pp. 434-467. The University of Chicago Press<br />
<br />
Clough, Patricia, et. al. 2007. Notes Towards a Theory of Affect Itself. ''ephemera: theory and politics in organization''. 7(1):60-77.<br />
<br />
Jameson Fredric, “Culture and Finance Capital,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1, (1997 ), pp. 246-265. <br />
<br />
Martin, Randy. 2007. And Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management. Durham and London: Duke University Press.<br />
<br />
Massumi, Brian. The Future Birth of the Affective Fact. DATE JOURNAL<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. 2005. Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century. ''The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences: Positivism and its Epistemological Others'', edited by George Steinmetz.<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. [From an early version of the following paper.] 2007. The Properties of Markets. ''Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics''. Edited by Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />
<br />
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Braudel on Capitalism, or Everything Upside Down” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 2, A Special Issue on Modern France (Jun., 1991), pp. 354-361</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=The_Market&diff=4652The Market2008-04-16T18:55:37Z<p>Samhan: /* Braudel's Typology */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Image:Shopping Cart.jpg]]<br />
<br />
In this dossier's engagement with the intersection of the built and mediated environment, we interpret Marshall McLuhan's argument that the remediation process whereby one medium survives as the content of another is the preservation of a distinct ''function'' in the midst of informatic and material transformation. This is not to suggest any predetermined trajectory of cultural obsolescence whereby a pre-existing function is stripped of cultural obstacles in its way, but rather to note that, ''in hindsight, content's transformative mechanism of appropriation enables us to examine behavioral systems, and the environment that housed them, as dead media,'' and that such dead media provide insights into a story of the concentration and distillation of culture into the symbolic content of later media which house cultural remains. <br />
<br />
Within the larger discussion of critical techniques this Archive attempts to employ, this dossier might also best be understood as an attempt to bridge our understanding of the isolation of <br />
medium from message (in the Hermes model) with our understanding of the communicative properties of materials which exhibit no such fragmentation (in the Iris model), as well as the rhizomatic, independent, message function that, in its ubiquitous employabilty, conforms to no specific medium (the Furies model). Far from suggesting an evolutionary hierarchy towards the immaterial, the market may, however, provide deeper insights into our understanding of the remediating processes at work in each of the three. <br />
<br />
We trace the process whereby the concentration of trading behavior and its eventual standardization was enabled by its enclosure in the space of the market, and the processes whereby this concentration separated market activity from a distinct built environment, isolating a function which is non-physical and anticipates the remediation of the market in the scripting content of immaterial spaces. Although we make no attempt to argue that physical market sites no longer exist, we do attempt to expose the informatic and material shifts that have obsolesced such physical environments, rendering the built environments that remain stages which serve a social function that is, in itself, a commodity. We identify the legacy of this fragmentation in the built environment and in the spaces which now bear witness to the market function in unexpected forms, yet we hope that future contributions will enrich and complicate the conceptual and mediatic transformations that accompanied the resurrection of symbolism in architecture.<br />
<br />
[[Image:Colourful shopping carts.jpg|thumb|right| What was once a spatial locality with a distinct form and use is now pure function with no distinct materiality]] [[Image:TUR1491SpiceBazaar.jpg]] <br />
<br />
=The History of Exchange= <br />
<br />
<br />
==The Market in Capitalism==<br />
<br />
===What is a market?===<br />
To posit a pre-“anything” is to argue an implicit periodization of a concept. And undoubtedly, to suggest that there was a mode of representation or media such as “the market” so entrenched within the cultural values and practices of capitalism that preceded it, would also then require some explaining. Thankfully, in this task, we follow historian Fernand Braudel, who has undertaken massive volumes of study in this area. The trajectory of Braudel’s project, in line with his Annales colleagues more generally, is to provide a historiography of capitalism does not reify the very object of analysis—the ever-expanding, seemingly amoebic process called capitalism, which Marx himself referred to as comparable to “queer things abounding.” The danger would be to overlook how the market embodies the shifting historic-economic transition from merchant to industrial to finance capitalism. <br />
<br />
With respect to Marx and the present study at hand, it could be argued that Marx dealt the strongest blow the concept of the market as a fixed, spatial location of exchange; so why even proceed? Well, indeed, “the market” as a spatial category very much plays a large part in various spheres of life, most pressingly the cultural, social and political. Moreover, many scholars, Frederic Jameson most famously, have even suggested that the economic has fallen to the level of culture (See Jameson). In such arguments, there is an assumed de-differentiation of previously separate spheres. The guiding question in this section will be (roughly): How did the market become differentiated in the first place?<br />
<br />
===Braudel's Typology===<br />
1.All of types of exchange that go beyond self-sufficiency, of all the wheels of trade, large and small, that we have described, of all the categories relating to trading areas (urban market, national market) or to a given product (the market in sugar, precious metals, spices etc.). In this sense the word is the equivalent of exchange, circulation and distribution. <br />
<br />
2.Large broad form of exchange, also known as market economy.<br />
<br />
==The Market as Interface of Digital and Analog==<br />
Braudel makes a distinction between “material life” and “economic life,” suggesting that the market, stalls and shops form a discontinuous contact surface between the two. By “material life” he means the most elementary, autarkic societies and by “economic life” he means commerce, currencies, and exchanges (Braudel, 21). Hence, the market is a medium in the sense that it translates the “non-economy, imprisoned within self-sufficiency” to the level of “exchange-“or “market-value.” The discontinuity, for Braudel, is clearly rooted his positing some sort of non-economy that precedes full-blown capitalism. In other words, Braudel envisions precapitalist market as being discontinuous and spontaneous whereas the “true capitalist” market becomes continuous and permanently reified as “the market.” Is this distinction between discontinuity and continuity also that of digital and analog? Here, it can be argued that Braudel’s point is a bit nostalgic. That is to say, that Braudel’s overarching project to delink what he calls “economic life” from capitalism, which he sometimes refers to as “true capitalism”(Wallerstein, 354) necessitates a level of fixity in what he calls a market (as opposed to anti-market). Immanuel Wallerstein helps us understand this part of Braudel very clearly. He suggests that that Braudel makes a clear distinction between “economic life” and “material life.” Economic life moves out of the unconscious routine of the daily life towards a more conscious and active process of the division of labor (Wallerstein, 355). Framed within admittedly fraught distinction between continuous/discontinuous, we can suggest that for Braudel the material life is analog; hence unconscious, though nevertheless full of regularities. Economic life, that is “true capitalist” life, is too then perceivably analog as it is an instrumental, goal-oriented activity of production bounded in the smoothness of consciousness. But indeed, the market is that which interfaces and mediates the economic life into material life. In addition, Wallerstein suggests that Braudel sees that market economy as transparent, whereas material life (below) and economic life (above) are shadowy and opaque, in contrast. However, the zone above, on the other hand, (the economy) the zone of capitalism, was opaque, in this case because capitalists wanted it so. It was a zone in which “certain groups of privileged actors were engaged in circuits and calculations that ordinary people knew nothing of” (Braudel as quoted in Wallerstein, 355). Thus, in this mediation, there is a “blackboxing” of the guts of exchange. The market economy (or the antimarket) does not show the immanent negotiation of the market transaction, and indeed the fixing of the market-price. Price control, which Susan Buck-Morss rightly notes becomes the representational bottom-line of the market (Buck-Morss, 463). <br />
<br />
(The specific definition of the market is rendered even in the layout of the three volumes of Braudel’s Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century.) Against Polanyi, he argues that “the market” as a vital component of the “market economy” is a consolidation, rationalization and even remediation of practices or instruments of exchange, which existed centuries prior to the 15th century, when we see the emergence of the ordinary market (e.g., the farmer’s market). The farmer’s market is characterized by what Braudel labels “immediate exchange,” describing it as such: “goods are sold on the spot, the purchases are taken and paid for there and then. Credit is hardly used…”(Ibid., 29). Immediate exchange had been practiced centuries or millennia before in ancient Greece, classical China, the Americas (Aztecs) and all over Africa. <br />
<br />
==Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange==<br />
In the 15th century, markets were held twice a week in towns and urban centers in theory only. Especially in cities such as Paris, markets were held daily. The twice-a-week rule was not so much an effect of regulation but of necessity, as the surrounding countryside needed time to supply them. During the 17th century, the shift from being held in between town and countryside to being held at the heart of towns, usually in the town squares. As towns continued to grow in size, so did the markets, to the point where the tiny town squares could no longer accommodate the number of vendors coming to sell their goods. Here are Braudel’s words: “And since they [markets] represented modernity on the march, their growth allowed no obstacle to bar their way: they could with impunity impose on their surroundings their congestion, their rubbish and their obstinate gatherings of people” (Braudel, 31). The solution adopted was that of banishing them to the outskirts of town. However, as a reaction against this measure, markets would appear as open spaces would open up, especially seasonally with the freezing over of rivers, on which goods could be brought back and forth via sled. Braudel recounts two such examples—Moscow’s Moscova river and London’s Thames. The latter is most famously represented in the adjoining engraving. <br />
[[Image:FaironThames.jpg|thumb|right|Fair on Thames 1683]]<br />
<br />
===Enclosing and Encoding the Market===<br />
Markets existed in very ancient times within a single village or group of villages—the market being a sort of itinerant village, as the fair was a sort of traveling town. But the decisive step in this long history was taken when the town appropriated these little markets. It absorbed them and inflated them to its own dimensions, in return having to accept the demands they made on it. <br />
<br />
The urban markets may have been invented by the Phoenicians. The Greek city-states had a market on the agora. The proliferation of markets beyond the town squares elicited a response by towns to take regulatory measures, the most significant of which was the construction of covered markets (halls or halles), at times surrounded by open-air markets (Braudel, 33). In the 16th century, the towns and cities of England saw a series of markethalls with different names spring up, often at the experience of a wealthy local merchant disposed to be generous. The word halle could mean several things then, from a simple covered market to the mighty buildings and complicated organizations of the Halles which were from a very early date ‘the belly of Paris.’ What is of note is that these were mostly permanent and specialized. London, for example, by 1660, halls had “full-time employees, and a whole complicated administration” (Braudel, 33). <br />
[[Image:Halle.jpg |thumb|left|Halles in Britanny, late 16th century]]<br />
The Halles was a huge combination of covered spaces and open spaces, its pillars holding up the arcades of neighboring houses, and surrounded by a bustling commercial life on the fringes of the central market, taking advantage of the disorder and sprawl and creating more of both to its own profit. Additionally, it marked the beginning of the usage of the term “market” as associated with a specific good such as “labor market.” Though it seems like a minor detail in the history of commerce, the covering of markets, we would argue, is a major turning-point or "break boundary" as "the system generated by the artifact suddenly changes into another or passes some point of no return in its dynamic processes" (quoted from Critical Techniques page). Once markets were covered and centralized, we see that the political interventions on markets would follow to delimit the contingent and spontaneous nature of markets. <br />
<br />
[[Image:Markettownsinwales.jpg|thumb|right| 800 Market Towns in England/Wales 1500-1640]]<br />
With the springing of markets all over various cities, towns began to intervene, once again, through spatial restrictions. London, again, provides a very enlightening example for Braudel. With the London market came the dislocation of the traditional market (public, nothing could be concealed), producer-vendor and buyer-consumer meet face to face. The distance between the two was becoming too great to be traveled by ordinary people. The merchant, or middleman, had already, from at least the thirteenth century, made his appearance in England, as a go-between for town and country, in particular in the corn trade. Gradually, chains of intermediaries were set up between producer and merchant on one hand, and between merchant and retailer on the other; along these chains passed the bulk of the trade in butter, cheese, poultry produce, fruit, vegetables and milk (Braudel, 42). Moreover, beyond goods of produce and industry (mostly crafts), land also became traded on the market. The market is then, in turn, a coterminous concept with “commodity,” as it becomes a facilitating medium for commodities. It becomes the connection, or encoding interface by which the commodity could be transformed from use-value to exchange-value. By encoding, I mean to suggest that the market becomes part of the grammar of commodities in market capitalism. How this functions I would argue is that the market becomes the system of rationality that is able to bring within a bounded geographical and symbolic system, effectively doing away with the barter system of mercantilism, and instating a mode of representation with its unit of measurement being the commodity. After it is enclosed and encoded, the market becomes the sole means by which to exchange, thus acting as a formal prohibition for all economic activity. Markets become the dominant economic media. <br />
The market then is the condition of possibility for commodities, but “the null point of social community (Buck-Morss, 437). Susan Buck-Morss goes so far as to argue that the market then elicits a certain mode of subjectivity that undergirds the market and commodity—the economic actor that is a, harkening back to the Freudian theory of human as a “bundle of instincts,” a “bounded rationality” (Buck-Morss, 466). Bounded rationality for Buck-Morss, is indicative of the effects of market-encoding or market-modeling that points towards the “depersonalization of exchange” (Buck-Morss, 437).<br />
<br />
=Theatricality in the creation of a consuming subject=<br />
<br />
Although there is much disagreement as to when consumer culture emerged fully formed, it is clear that the social transformation that accompanied its arrival required an unprecedented effort to pursuade individuals to consume as a way of life. The combined forces of advertising, branding and strategic exhibition of foreign objects, colluded in an elaborate performance which sought to embed curiosity in consuming subjects eager to witness the magic of a marketplace disrupting traditional social fabric. Although<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=Semiotics in the Liberation of Function from Form=<br />
[[Image:Monument.jpg|right|thumb|Robert Venturi's "Recommendation for a monument" from [[Learning From Las Vegas]], 1972]]<br />
<br />
<br />
''... ours is not the environment for heroic communication through pure architecture. Each medium has its day, and the rhetorical environmental statements of our time – civic, commercial, or residential – will come from media more purely symbolic, perhaps less static and more adaptable to the scale of our environment. The iconography and mixed media of roadside commercial architecture will point the way if we will look. Housing for the elderly on the Oak Street Connector, if it had to be a monument, would have been more economical, socially responsible and amenable as a conventional apartment building,lost by the side of the expressway, with a big sign on top blinking, I AM A MONUMENT. Decoration is cheaper. <br />
<br />
- Robert Venturi,"Learning From Las Vegas," 1972''<br />
<br />
<br />
----<br />
[[Image:Vegas strip.jpg|thumb|right|The Upper Strip Looking North]]<br />
[[Image:Normal wedding-chapel-las-vegas.jpg|thumb|right|A Vegas chapel: function legitimated through semiotics]]<br />
<br />
When Robert Venturi looked to the vernacular architecture on the Las Vegas strip in the late 1960's, he saw a resurrection of symbolism in the built environment that had seemed destined for extinction in the wake of architectural modernism. Whereas the Bauhaus' legacy in modernism had stripped buildings of ornament in an attempt to unify form with function, Venturi was amazed to find a Las Vegas strip dotted with generic buildings differentiated only by elaborate ornamental signs designating the unique functions and identities of otherwise identical spaces. <br />
<br />
The Vegas strip not only violated a progression away from decoration (which led many to credit Venturi's text as the first postmodern architectural manifesto) but brought more clearly into focus the impact of the automobile upon architecture that needed to be identified from greater distances over shorter durations of time. Whereas the heroic communication of pure architecture had in the past led to forms and facades which - albeit imperfectly - communicated the activities contained within them, Venturi noted that in a land of highways and commercial strips the same system of (road) signs that enabled standardized navigation of an entire continent also enabled a faster recognition of the buildings and spaces one passed by. The vital necessity of introducing semiotic distinctions between buildings exemplified the spatial distortions that accompany accelerated movement and the distribution of communities across expanding territories.<br />
<br />
Whereas the built environment brought countless aspects of human activity into existence by anchoring them in physical space, what Venturi exposed was the cultural appropriation of semiotic systems to designate spaces whose distinctive architecture had not yet been invented. In his iconic “Recommendation for a monument” his sarcastic suggestion that decoration upon generic form was the most ethical and economic method of design, exposed the complete lack of subtlety in designs that managed to serve specific functions in the absence of architectural innovation. Rather than create a home for new human activity, it was clear that one need only name a space in order for it to serve a specific function. Although modular, multipurpose, space had been realized long ago behind the glass curtain walls of modern skyscapers, after 1972, one could not escape the vulgar conclusion that the space itself was a nostalgic theatre enabling the suspension of disbelief which designated the offices of one box from the warehouse or monument of another.<br />
<br />
In essence, symbolism had invaded space rendering residual communicative modalities in architectural form (the steeple, the column, the storefront) which directed activities within them unnecessary. In a traditional town one might recognize a church by a steeple, and civic institutions by classical architecture – but in Las Vegas one needed only to read a sign that read “CHAPEL” and a marriage could be performed. Resistance to the glass curtain and the modernist box need not be overcome by a radical re-education of a public in modernist aesthetics, but by the complete removal of ambiguity through the ultimate abstraction of the sign. Buildings had entered a realm of mediation, and the Las Vegas strip presented an intermediate phenomenon whereby one could could navigate a foreign landscape and locate a desired service or commodity in spite of all unfamiliarity with the landscape itself. <br />
<br />
Venturi's Monument, like a Vegas chapel, anticipates the remediation of spatial phenomena in immaterial spaces and illustrates that function itself is not material, but something performed by actors engaged in a collective fiction. Once it was plainly clear that all the world was a stage, it followed that with the proper, scripting, semiotic device, the market no longer needed to be a specific locality in order to function as a market.<br />
----<br />
<br />
= Market as Stage: A comparison of three Stock Markets=<br />
<br />
NASDAQ [[Image:Nasdaq0952.jpg|thumb|right|NASDAQ's only physical manifestations are purely symbolic, they fully realize Venturi's conception of an alternative medium housing the functions that previously required a complex and unique architecture]]<br />
<br />
On February 8, 1971, a year prior to Venturi's publication of "Learning From Las Vegas," the world witnessed the birth of the first purely electronic stock market, NASDAQ. In contrast to traditional stock markets, NASDAQ's elimination of a trading floor helped to minimize the spread between the bid price and the ask price of a stock through it's computer bulletin board system. Although the market initially did not connect buyers and sellers directly, it presented a successor to over-the-counter finance and introduced a market function that did not depend on person to person trade. NASDAQ initially relied upon the use of telephones to connect buyers, brokers and sellers, yet currently relies upon electronic communication networks. As the world's largest stock market, in terms of companies listed and trades per day, NASDAQ is a functioning market without the spatial enclosure of a market, a product of the information age, and a phenomenon which illuminates the theatrical gestures elsewhere to preserve and exhibit a non-essential spatiality.<br />
<br />
The New York Stock Exchange [[Image:TRADING floor 042007.jpg|thumb|right|Chaos on the NYSE trading floor constitutes genuine trading activity kept alive through the hybrid market's "cake mix effect"]]<br />
<br />
Although the New York Stock exchange no longer engages in over-the-counter trading, its trading floor is a bustling theatre of trading activity. The floor itself might be seen as an obsolescent inefficiency, yet it is worth noting that in dollar volume, the NYSE remains a larger market than the NASDAQ despite having less listings. The NYSE is called a hybrid market because customers are given the choice of whether to send orders for immediate electronic execution or whether to submit an order to the trading floor for trading in the auction market. The preservation of human interaction on the floor itself seems to embody a nostalgia inherent in "the cake mix effect" whereby the efficiency of a sequence is interrupted by redundant steps as a defense from the obsolescence of a sequence understood to have cultural value. The floor is a tradition that is alive and well, yet this phenomenon eludes the mere prerequisite of market function, effectively defending a culture whose continued presence preserves an illusion that the market is still a market.<br />
<br />
<br />
The Shanghai Stock Exchange [[Image:Xin 09020401155645001043.jpg|thumb|right|The empty trading floor in Shanghai]]<br />
<br />
In perhaps the most bizarre isolation of medium from message at a time when the space of a trading floor is obsolescent, the Shanghai Stock Exchange, though entirely electronic like NASDAQ, has a trading floor which serves no market function in performance or otherwise. As a relatively new market, the physicality of a trading floor lends authority to the electronic transactions which occur in reference to it, yet it simultaneously sits as the vacant theatre of a performance which never took place. Whereas the NYSE might be understood as a monument to trading which lays claim to cultural capital and ensures continued longevity, the Shanghai Stock Exchange physical existence seems in contrast to be legitimizing a market dependent upon foreign investors that equate the physical market with a "real" market worthy of investment. The market extends Robert Venturi's visual joke into unexpected territory, announcing "I AM A MARKET" in spite of foreign anxieties which might argue otherwise.<br />
<br />
= The Market as an Object of Representation and Modeling=<br />
This section will look at how the market as an object was subsumed by "the economy," following Timothy Mitchell's argument in his article, "Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century". Mitchell argues that the objectification of the market and the economy is accomplished by economic, econometric, and governmental attempts to keep track of monetary exchange. In other words, measurements of the market serve to constitute the object they seek to measure (Mitchell 2005). Following Mitchell's argument and drawing from Randy Martin's book, ''An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management'', we propose that the death of the market as a media object was accomplished by the same process that made it; measurements of market activity become the condition of possibility for this activity in such a way that measuring and regulatory acts become immanent to actual commodities. Commodities now no longer need the frame of the market to act as a structure, providing the affordances and prohibitions of exchange. Now these regulatory/technical capacities are embedded in commodities such as derivatives and securities, as Randy Martin demonstrates.<br />
<br />
== The Market as a Medium ==<br />
<br />
In addition to asking how the market comes to be an object, it is relevant for this project to ask, to what extent can the market be characterized as a medium? And, insofar as it is a medium, to what extent can the market be characterized as a dead medium?<br />
<br />
In order to answer these questions, one must consider different definitions and uses of the word, market.<br />
<br />
1) Fernand Braudel defines the market as that which mediates between material life and economic life. This understanding is obsolete because the possibility of mediation requires a prior separation between the two entities--in this case material and economic life--being mediated. A Marxist reading of capitalism, especially as it was taken up by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics, suggests that material and economic life are no longer separate, that the economy has become a condition of possibility for material life, and is therefore immanent to it. The market as a medium in this regard is dead.<br />
<br />
2) The market can also refer to a physical place where commodities are exchanged, as in a marketplace. This is similar to Mitchell's discussion of the market before the use of the word economy to refer to an object of economic analysis. This market is an inert space where the lives of people and the fruits of the land interact. In this case it is a passive medium through which commodities are exchanged. The message being mediated is the trade between the commodity and money, but the marketplace does not mediate this message. The medium is actually the socially agreed up or legal rules that determine the contract of exchange. It is these rules that construct the space as a market, and it has been proven that exchange can happen without being enclosed in a spatial entity determined to be a marketplace. The market as a spatial entity is dead insofar as merchants and buyers no longer have to go to a physical place to engage in acts of exchange. The contracts determining an act of exchange do not require all parties to be in the same place, and with the internet, parties engaged in an act of exchange to do not have to make contact at the same time. <br />
<br />
It is even necessary to consider the death of exchange, for exchange implies that all parties lose one object (either a commodity or money) and gain another. However, value is now generated from situations of loss and lack, and from the differentials between predicted prices (See section entitled "Investing in Risk" below). '''It may be now be possible to talk about a production of value independent of exchange.''' <br />
<br />
3) The market is also a conceptual category referring to a specific type of commodity that can be bought and sold (i.e., the job market, the stock market). The stipulation is that there has to be more than one seller offering the commodity to at least one buyer. The sellers exist in a market competing for the buyers, who can choose between them. In this case the competitive conditions impact the price. In this way There is argument about whether this type of free market in which prices are determined by supply and demand under conditions of competition is alive or dead. Manuel DeLanda argues that capitalism is an anti-market because price is regulated by factors other than supply and demand in a competitive market; in other words, price is imposed from outside the market (DeLanda, Markets and Antimarkets in the World Economy).<br />
<br />
4) Another meaning for the word market is an aggregate of economic exchange in a given totality, such as "the U.S. market". Mitchell argues that the market in this definition is an object of calculation and analysis, and that therefore the acts of objectification comprise the object we know as the market. According to Mitchell, "the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism" (Mitchell 2007, 7). By this logic, capitalism is a sort of matrix or substrate made of the technical enactment of boundaries between inside and outside. The boundary-making itself is the substance of capitalism. This speaks to McCluhan's famous statement that "the medium is message". In this case the analysis of markets become the condition of possibility for markets, and this condition of possibility is the actual medium. <br />
<br />
The question remains, what message is being mediated here. Mitchell's analysis serves to show that the market is not actually a bounded object, and because of this we can presuppose autonomy for any entities between which the market mediates. The market is no longer a medium.<br />
<br />
== The Market as an Organic Body ==<br />
<br />
In Braudel's definition of the market, his use of the term "economic life" implies that economic activity is alive, or that it is a site where life happens. Timothy Mitchell finds that dominant ideas of the market before the 1930s treated it as an aggregate of life forces, or "individual utilities" (Mitchell 2005, 129). The Malthusian relationship between land fertility and population size comprised the object of analysis as "an organic world of human settlement, agriculture, and the movement of populations, goods, and wealth" (Mitchell 2005, 128). <br />
<br />
Towards the end of the 1800s, the idea of the market as a separate surface began, but it was not yet a "self-contained sphere, imagined as machine whose internal mechanisms and exchanges separate it from other social processes (Mitchell 2005, 128). Rather, "The object of analysis was made up of forces, conceived as individual utilities, that were assumed to be in balance. The site of this mechanical equilibrium was 'the market'.... As a neutral, planar surface, the market of neoclassical economics had no depth, no dynamic structure, no forces of its own, no 'macro' dimension that could be described apart from the individual utilities that moved across it. It was an inert, unmoving space" (Mitchell 2005, 129). In this characterization, the market was not seen as a system. It was rather a space that could be filled with individual energy; this is quite different from the current idea of "the economy" as a thermodynamic system in which the whole exerts force onto each of the parts. In this older conception of the market, the equilibrium of individual forces was not imposed by a greater whole, but seemed to arise naturally. <br />
<br />
Mitchell argues that the term, "economy" was not used in its contemporary sense, as an object of economic analysis, until it was actually taken as an object of economic analysis by econometrics in the 1930s. This was around the same time John Maynard Keynes began to refer to "the economic system as a whole" (Mitchell 2005, 130). Mitchell characterizes econometrics as "the attempt to create a mathematical representation of the entire economic process as a self-contained and dynamic mechanism" (Mitchell 2005, 131). At this point the dynamism of the economy incorporates or subsumes a collection of markets into itself. Economic processes are seen as a totality and it is possible to distinguish between that which is internal and that which is external to this totality. External forces impact the economy, causing "reverberations throughout the internal machine" (Mitchell 2005, 133). <br />
<br />
This notion of the economy as a system seems to persist, but perhaps with an important development. It is still understood as a systemic totality, but the external forces that impact it have been subsumed into the economy (partly through the statistical measurements of aggregates and averages such as gross national product and average spending). It is understood more like an organism than a machine requiring a human laborer. Randy Martin describes this organic model: "An economy could become overheated and melt down or explode. The social sciences more generally were predicated on this image of a closed system. The system adapted to internal strains by growth and differentiation. It maintained boundaries, kept out threatening uncertainties, and externalized unintended consequences from its internal decisions" (Martin, 28-29).<br />
<br />
=== The Death of Equilibrium/Equilibrium as Death ===<br />
<br />
Organic models of systems describe systems as thermodynamic, operating like a thermostat that adjusts to external stimuli, or adapts external stimuli to it, in such a way that the system maintains equilibrium. Business cycle models of the market speak the language of thermodynamics because the market returns to the same stages each time it goes through a cycle. However, some contemporary critiques of capitalism argue that capitalism operates more as a ''state'' of instability than a ''system'' at equilibrium (See Clough 2007). <br />
<br />
Randy Martin looks at this problem of equilibrium/disequilibrium in terms of the financial logic of risk that, he argues, has permeated economic thinking and has defined the subject as an investor. Martin traces the U.S.'s switch from a creditor to a debtor nation in the 1980s, when the nation began to operate through consumption without production. During this time risk became a sign of strength and power and the need for stability was a sign of weakness, now associated with the third world (Martin, 28). Being in debt, which used to be a sign of weakness, became a source of value. Debt is repackaged into securities. <br />
<br />
Beginning in the late 1970s after the U.S. dollar was delinked from the gold standard, "monetary movement was being freed to spread the wealth. Equilibrium-- key to Bretton Woods and early monetarist currency controls-- was no longer a condition of exchange. The dollar's spread, the expansion of debt and speculation, fostered disequilibrium and its attendant risks as a new horizon of opportunity. Fixing exchange to a physical standard perpetuated the image of the economy as a closed system. It could grow in proportion to the balance of inputs and outputs" (Martin, 29). According to Martin, money's attachment to the gold standard provided a kind of mystification that had a performative function; it created a "system-based moral and political economy" that was then overtaken by financial reason: in Martin's words, "when the investor who knows no country elbowed out the consumer-citizen of the nation-state, the organic closed system, result of the social sciences' unacknowledged metaphorizing of the social, was morphing into a different kind of beast" (Martin, 29). The a delinking of the subject from the nation-state goes hand-in-hand with the advent of the investor, who is a self-managing risk-taker. <br />
<br />
Within this finance economy, speculation is the only way to thrive economically, and speculation relies on both present and future instability and unpredictability (for more on unpredictability, see Clough). It is the very lack of predictability of capitalism that makes speculation such a profitable game; if the economy were truly predictable, than there would be no competition for correct guesses and measurements, and a securities package would not be a commodity.<br />
<br />
== New Encodings ==<br />
<br />
A capitalist market needs to have what Timothy Mitchell calls an "apparatus of representation" in order to convert material into abstract capital. He argues that failing capitalist economies differ from their succeeding counterparts because of how their wealth is held, not because of how much wealth they have. It is a matter of coding material into a symbolic system: "Representations of material goods transform their value into abstract forms, which can live an 'invisible, parallel life' alongside their physical existence. The West has invented procedures to create these invisible forms. Individuals in the West can unlock the assets accumulated in physical property, transforming material wealth into abstract capital" (Mitchell 2007, 9). <br />
<br />
Evidence of this claim lies in how markets and nonmarkets are distinguished by economists: "...in describing what this nonmarket world lacks, neoclassical economics tends to diagnose its defects as an absence of techniques of representation. Things are stuck outside the market because they are not properly represented-- by property records, prices, or other systems of reference. What economic analysis does, however, is not to represent what was previously unrepresented, but to try and reorganize the circulation and control of representations" (Mitchell 2007, 7). This circulation of representations is not only happening in the realm of the social sciences, but is an economic circulation. In fact, a derivative can be described as a packaged representation of a fluctuation in price that can be bought and sold as a commodity. This exemplifies the way in which value is generated by coding, not merely by quantities of material wealth. <br />
<br />
=== Coding of Risk, Instability ===<br />
<br />
How to understand market activity after the traditional market dies. Instead of coding commodities as valuable (Mitchell, 2007), Randy Martin argues that capitalism is following a financial logic, which extracts value from predicting future price fluctuations, interest rates, exchange rates, and packages this risk into new kinds of commodities, such as derivatives and securities.<br />
<br />
"Properly ascertained risk, not growth per se, is what yields rewards. The trade in risk avoidance devolves into a profit on risk itself" (Martin, 33).==== Futurity in the Present ====<br />
<br />
Another way to probe this idea of the death of the market as a system at equilibrium is to think about the non-linear time made possible by predictions. As Martin illustrates in his discussion of derivatives, Branding: "In its infinite differentiation of product ranges, branding plays with a combination of familiarity plus novelty, a ''past-futurity''. New memories installed that you have not phenomenologically experienced in order to produce a certain receptivity to brand triggers" (Parisi and Goodman, 2006).<br />
<br />
<br />
==== Derivatives ====<br />
<br />
A derivative is a contract on "some variation in price" (Martin, 31). EXAMPLE: "a firm selling a product overseas that will not be deliverable for several years will create a contract to fix currency exchange rates for the time when the product is finished. The expected difference between current and future exchange rates can then be sold as a separate commodity" (Martin, 31). "A similar contract could hedge against a change in interest rates, or the price of raw materials, or delivery costs" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
<br />
"Derivatives remove reference from the commodity. They allow debt to serve as a productive medium from which countless commodities can be spawned. Derivatives are promissory notes issued between firms. They represent a prime vehicle with which industrial corporations undertake the function of banks by engaging in financial services." (Martin, 31)<br />
<br />
"The derivative is a sign of the shift in the beneficiaries of development from populations or nations to other economic actors. Those who can steward risk will advance....The capacity for financial decision making trumps democratic involvement to decide political representation" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
==== Securities ====<br />
<br />
<br />
Spatial Representation''':<br />
<br />
The purpose of any space is determined by both the symbols used to<br />
designate where one is (ie an open for business sign), and the<br />
practices that take place there. In "Learning From Las Vegas," Robert<br />
Venturi takes a close look at how the Vegas Strip (in the late 60's)<br />
consisted of buildings that were differentiated primarily by flashy<br />
signs decorating unoriginal buildings (what he called the "decorated<br />
shed." He traced the phenomenon to the impact of speed on<br />
architecture - mainly that in a landscape where one drives past<br />
buildings, signs enable one to differentiate one space from another at<br />
a faster speed than differentiated architectures could (which is why<br />
signs matter so much for businesses on highways).<br />
<br />
What makes this so interesting is that when semiotics are reintroduced<br />
into architecture, communicating the specific use of a generic space,<br />
buildings enter a mediated realm - And I think that's key here - that<br />
when people believe they're in a market when they see a "market" sign,<br />
it enables the use of a spatial semiotic to successfully mediate the<br />
entire space provided that the same activity occurs - which is really<br />
just to say that the Las Vegas strip is this intermediate phenomenon<br />
whereby we all can find what we want in foreign places, and that's<br />
precisely the mechanism by which we can create a market without the<br />
actual space of a market (a shopping cart icon does the trick!).<br />
<br />
'''Immanent Representation''':<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
Braudel, Fernand. 1982. The wheels of commerce. New York: Harper & Row.<br />
<br />
Buck-Morss, Susan. Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display. Critical Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter, 1995), pp. 434-467. The University of Chicago Press<br />
<br />
Clough, Patricia, et. al. 2007. Notes Towards a Theory of Affect Itself. ''ephemera: theory and politics in organization''. 7(1):60-77.<br />
<br />
Jameson Fredric, “Culture and Finance Capital,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1, (1997 ), pp. 246-265. <br />
<br />
Martin, Randy. 2007. And Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management. Durham and London: Duke University Press.<br />
<br />
Massumi, Brian. The Future Birth of the Affective Fact. DATE JOURNAL<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. 2005. Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century. ''The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences: Positivism and its Epistemological Others'', edited by George Steinmetz.<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. [From an early version of the following paper.] 2007. The Properties of Markets. ''Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics''. Edited by Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />
<br />
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Braudel on Capitalism, or Everything Upside Down” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 2, A Special Issue on Modern France (Jun., 1991), pp. 354-361</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=The_Market&diff=4651The Market2008-04-16T18:55:21Z<p>Samhan: /* What is a market? */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Image:Shopping Cart.jpg]]<br />
<br />
In this dossier's engagement with the intersection of the built and mediated environment, we interpret Marshall McLuhan's argument that the remediation process whereby one medium survives as the content of another is the preservation of a distinct ''function'' in the midst of informatic and material transformation. This is not to suggest any predetermined trajectory of cultural obsolescence whereby a pre-existing function is stripped of cultural obstacles in its way, but rather to note that, ''in hindsight, content's transformative mechanism of appropriation enables us to examine behavioral systems, and the environment that housed them, as dead media,'' and that such dead media provide insights into a story of the concentration and distillation of culture into the symbolic content of later media which house cultural remains. <br />
<br />
Within the larger discussion of critical techniques this Archive attempts to employ, this dossier might also best be understood as an attempt to bridge our understanding of the isolation of <br />
medium from message (in the Hermes model) with our understanding of the communicative properties of materials which exhibit no such fragmentation (in the Iris model), as well as the rhizomatic, independent, message function that, in its ubiquitous employabilty, conforms to no specific medium (the Furies model). Far from suggesting an evolutionary hierarchy towards the immaterial, the market may, however, provide deeper insights into our understanding of the remediating processes at work in each of the three. <br />
<br />
We trace the process whereby the concentration of trading behavior and its eventual standardization was enabled by its enclosure in the space of the market, and the processes whereby this concentration separated market activity from a distinct built environment, isolating a function which is non-physical and anticipates the remediation of the market in the scripting content of immaterial spaces. Although we make no attempt to argue that physical market sites no longer exist, we do attempt to expose the informatic and material shifts that have obsolesced such physical environments, rendering the built environments that remain stages which serve a social function that is, in itself, a commodity. We identify the legacy of this fragmentation in the built environment and in the spaces which now bear witness to the market function in unexpected forms, yet we hope that future contributions will enrich and complicate the conceptual and mediatic transformations that accompanied the resurrection of symbolism in architecture.<br />
<br />
[[Image:Colourful shopping carts.jpg|thumb|right| What was once a spatial locality with a distinct form and use is now pure function with no distinct materiality]] [[Image:TUR1491SpiceBazaar.jpg]] <br />
<br />
=The History of Exchange= <br />
<br />
<br />
==The Market in Capitalism==<br />
<br />
===What is a market?===<br />
To posit a pre-“anything” is to argue an implicit periodization of a concept. And undoubtedly, to suggest that there was a mode of representation or media such as “the market” so entrenched within the cultural values and practices of capitalism that preceded it, would also then require some explaining. Thankfully, in this task, we follow historian Fernand Braudel, who has undertaken massive volumes of study in this area. The trajectory of Braudel’s project, in line with his Annales colleagues more generally, is to provide a historiography of capitalism does not reify the very object of analysis—the ever-expanding, seemingly amoebic process called capitalism, which Marx himself referred to as comparable to “queer things abounding.” The danger would be to overlook how the market embodies the shifting historic-economic transition from merchant to industrial to finance capitalism. <br />
<br />
With respect to Marx and the present study at hand, it could be argued that Marx dealt the strongest blow the concept of the market as a fixed, spatial location of exchange; so why even proceed? Well, indeed, “the market” as a spatial category very much plays a large part in various spheres of life, most pressingly the cultural, social and political. Moreover, many scholars, Frederic Jameson most famously, have even suggested that the economic has fallen to the level of culture (See Jameson). In such arguments, there is an assumed de-differentiation of previously separate spheres. The guiding question in this section will be (roughly): How did the market become differentiated in the first place?<br />
<br />
==Braudel's Typology==<br />
1.All of types of exchange that go beyond self-sufficiency, of all the wheels of trade, large and small, that we have described, of all the categories relating to trading areas (urban market, national market) or to a given product (the market in sugar, precious metals, spices etc.). In this sense the word is the equivalent of exchange, circulation and distribution. <br />
<br />
2.Large broad form of exchange, also known as market economy.<br />
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==The Market as Interface of Digital and Analog==<br />
Braudel makes a distinction between “material life” and “economic life,” suggesting that the market, stalls and shops form a discontinuous contact surface between the two. By “material life” he means the most elementary, autarkic societies and by “economic life” he means commerce, currencies, and exchanges (Braudel, 21). Hence, the market is a medium in the sense that it translates the “non-economy, imprisoned within self-sufficiency” to the level of “exchange-“or “market-value.” The discontinuity, for Braudel, is clearly rooted his positing some sort of non-economy that precedes full-blown capitalism. In other words, Braudel envisions precapitalist market as being discontinuous and spontaneous whereas the “true capitalist” market becomes continuous and permanently reified as “the market.” Is this distinction between discontinuity and continuity also that of digital and analog? Here, it can be argued that Braudel’s point is a bit nostalgic. That is to say, that Braudel’s overarching project to delink what he calls “economic life” from capitalism, which he sometimes refers to as “true capitalism”(Wallerstein, 354) necessitates a level of fixity in what he calls a market (as opposed to anti-market). Immanuel Wallerstein helps us understand this part of Braudel very clearly. He suggests that that Braudel makes a clear distinction between “economic life” and “material life.” Economic life moves out of the unconscious routine of the daily life towards a more conscious and active process of the division of labor (Wallerstein, 355). Framed within admittedly fraught distinction between continuous/discontinuous, we can suggest that for Braudel the material life is analog; hence unconscious, though nevertheless full of regularities. Economic life, that is “true capitalist” life, is too then perceivably analog as it is an instrumental, goal-oriented activity of production bounded in the smoothness of consciousness. But indeed, the market is that which interfaces and mediates the economic life into material life. In addition, Wallerstein suggests that Braudel sees that market economy as transparent, whereas material life (below) and economic life (above) are shadowy and opaque, in contrast. However, the zone above, on the other hand, (the economy) the zone of capitalism, was opaque, in this case because capitalists wanted it so. It was a zone in which “certain groups of privileged actors were engaged in circuits and calculations that ordinary people knew nothing of” (Braudel as quoted in Wallerstein, 355). Thus, in this mediation, there is a “blackboxing” of the guts of exchange. The market economy (or the antimarket) does not show the immanent negotiation of the market transaction, and indeed the fixing of the market-price. Price control, which Susan Buck-Morss rightly notes becomes the representational bottom-line of the market (Buck-Morss, 463). <br />
<br />
(The specific definition of the market is rendered even in the layout of the three volumes of Braudel’s Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century.) Against Polanyi, he argues that “the market” as a vital component of the “market economy” is a consolidation, rationalization and even remediation of practices or instruments of exchange, which existed centuries prior to the 15th century, when we see the emergence of the ordinary market (e.g., the farmer’s market). The farmer’s market is characterized by what Braudel labels “immediate exchange,” describing it as such: “goods are sold on the spot, the purchases are taken and paid for there and then. Credit is hardly used…”(Ibid., 29). Immediate exchange had been practiced centuries or millennia before in ancient Greece, classical China, the Americas (Aztecs) and all over Africa. <br />
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==Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange==<br />
In the 15th century, markets were held twice a week in towns and urban centers in theory only. Especially in cities such as Paris, markets were held daily. The twice-a-week rule was not so much an effect of regulation but of necessity, as the surrounding countryside needed time to supply them. During the 17th century, the shift from being held in between town and countryside to being held at the heart of towns, usually in the town squares. As towns continued to grow in size, so did the markets, to the point where the tiny town squares could no longer accommodate the number of vendors coming to sell their goods. Here are Braudel’s words: “And since they [markets] represented modernity on the march, their growth allowed no obstacle to bar their way: they could with impunity impose on their surroundings their congestion, their rubbish and their obstinate gatherings of people” (Braudel, 31). The solution adopted was that of banishing them to the outskirts of town. However, as a reaction against this measure, markets would appear as open spaces would open up, especially seasonally with the freezing over of rivers, on which goods could be brought back and forth via sled. Braudel recounts two such examples—Moscow’s Moscova river and London’s Thames. The latter is most famously represented in the adjoining engraving. <br />
[[Image:FaironThames.jpg|thumb|right|Fair on Thames 1683]]<br />
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===Enclosing and Encoding the Market===<br />
Markets existed in very ancient times within a single village or group of villages—the market being a sort of itinerant village, as the fair was a sort of traveling town. But the decisive step in this long history was taken when the town appropriated these little markets. It absorbed them and inflated them to its own dimensions, in return having to accept the demands they made on it. <br />
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The urban markets may have been invented by the Phoenicians. The Greek city-states had a market on the agora. The proliferation of markets beyond the town squares elicited a response by towns to take regulatory measures, the most significant of which was the construction of covered markets (halls or halles), at times surrounded by open-air markets (Braudel, 33). In the 16th century, the towns and cities of England saw a series of markethalls with different names spring up, often at the experience of a wealthy local merchant disposed to be generous. The word halle could mean several things then, from a simple covered market to the mighty buildings and complicated organizations of the Halles which were from a very early date ‘the belly of Paris.’ What is of note is that these were mostly permanent and specialized. London, for example, by 1660, halls had “full-time employees, and a whole complicated administration” (Braudel, 33). <br />
[[Image:Halle.jpg |thumb|left|Halles in Britanny, late 16th century]]<br />
The Halles was a huge combination of covered spaces and open spaces, its pillars holding up the arcades of neighboring houses, and surrounded by a bustling commercial life on the fringes of the central market, taking advantage of the disorder and sprawl and creating more of both to its own profit. Additionally, it marked the beginning of the usage of the term “market” as associated with a specific good such as “labor market.” Though it seems like a minor detail in the history of commerce, the covering of markets, we would argue, is a major turning-point or "break boundary" as "the system generated by the artifact suddenly changes into another or passes some point of no return in its dynamic processes" (quoted from Critical Techniques page). Once markets were covered and centralized, we see that the political interventions on markets would follow to delimit the contingent and spontaneous nature of markets. <br />
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[[Image:Markettownsinwales.jpg|thumb|right| 800 Market Towns in England/Wales 1500-1640]]<br />
With the springing of markets all over various cities, towns began to intervene, once again, through spatial restrictions. London, again, provides a very enlightening example for Braudel. With the London market came the dislocation of the traditional market (public, nothing could be concealed), producer-vendor and buyer-consumer meet face to face. The distance between the two was becoming too great to be traveled by ordinary people. The merchant, or middleman, had already, from at least the thirteenth century, made his appearance in England, as a go-between for town and country, in particular in the corn trade. Gradually, chains of intermediaries were set up between producer and merchant on one hand, and between merchant and retailer on the other; along these chains passed the bulk of the trade in butter, cheese, poultry produce, fruit, vegetables and milk (Braudel, 42). Moreover, beyond goods of produce and industry (mostly crafts), land also became traded on the market. The market is then, in turn, a coterminous concept with “commodity,” as it becomes a facilitating medium for commodities. It becomes the connection, or encoding interface by which the commodity could be transformed from use-value to exchange-value. By encoding, I mean to suggest that the market becomes part of the grammar of commodities in market capitalism. How this functions I would argue is that the market becomes the system of rationality that is able to bring within a bounded geographical and symbolic system, effectively doing away with the barter system of mercantilism, and instating a mode of representation with its unit of measurement being the commodity. After it is enclosed and encoded, the market becomes the sole means by which to exchange, thus acting as a formal prohibition for all economic activity. Markets become the dominant economic media. <br />
The market then is the condition of possibility for commodities, but “the null point of social community (Buck-Morss, 437). Susan Buck-Morss goes so far as to argue that the market then elicits a certain mode of subjectivity that undergirds the market and commodity—the economic actor that is a, harkening back to the Freudian theory of human as a “bundle of instincts,” a “bounded rationality” (Buck-Morss, 466). Bounded rationality for Buck-Morss, is indicative of the effects of market-encoding or market-modeling that points towards the “depersonalization of exchange” (Buck-Morss, 437).<br />
<br />
=Theatricality in the creation of a consuming subject=<br />
<br />
Although there is much disagreement as to when consumer culture emerged fully formed, it is clear that the social transformation that accompanied its arrival required an unprecedented effort to pursuade individuals to consume as a way of life. The combined forces of advertising, branding and strategic exhibition of foreign objects, colluded in an elaborate performance which sought to embed curiosity in consuming subjects eager to witness the magic of a marketplace disrupting traditional social fabric. Although<br />
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<br />
<br />
=Semiotics in the Liberation of Function from Form=<br />
[[Image:Monument.jpg|right|thumb|Robert Venturi's "Recommendation for a monument" from [[Learning From Las Vegas]], 1972]]<br />
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<br />
''... ours is not the environment for heroic communication through pure architecture. Each medium has its day, and the rhetorical environmental statements of our time – civic, commercial, or residential – will come from media more purely symbolic, perhaps less static and more adaptable to the scale of our environment. The iconography and mixed media of roadside commercial architecture will point the way if we will look. Housing for the elderly on the Oak Street Connector, if it had to be a monument, would have been more economical, socially responsible and amenable as a conventional apartment building,lost by the side of the expressway, with a big sign on top blinking, I AM A MONUMENT. Decoration is cheaper. <br />
<br />
- Robert Venturi,"Learning From Las Vegas," 1972''<br />
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[[Image:Vegas strip.jpg|thumb|right|The Upper Strip Looking North]]<br />
[[Image:Normal wedding-chapel-las-vegas.jpg|thumb|right|A Vegas chapel: function legitimated through semiotics]]<br />
<br />
When Robert Venturi looked to the vernacular architecture on the Las Vegas strip in the late 1960's, he saw a resurrection of symbolism in the built environment that had seemed destined for extinction in the wake of architectural modernism. Whereas the Bauhaus' legacy in modernism had stripped buildings of ornament in an attempt to unify form with function, Venturi was amazed to find a Las Vegas strip dotted with generic buildings differentiated only by elaborate ornamental signs designating the unique functions and identities of otherwise identical spaces. <br />
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The Vegas strip not only violated a progression away from decoration (which led many to credit Venturi's text as the first postmodern architectural manifesto) but brought more clearly into focus the impact of the automobile upon architecture that needed to be identified from greater distances over shorter durations of time. Whereas the heroic communication of pure architecture had in the past led to forms and facades which - albeit imperfectly - communicated the activities contained within them, Venturi noted that in a land of highways and commercial strips the same system of (road) signs that enabled standardized navigation of an entire continent also enabled a faster recognition of the buildings and spaces one passed by. The vital necessity of introducing semiotic distinctions between buildings exemplified the spatial distortions that accompany accelerated movement and the distribution of communities across expanding territories.<br />
<br />
Whereas the built environment brought countless aspects of human activity into existence by anchoring them in physical space, what Venturi exposed was the cultural appropriation of semiotic systems to designate spaces whose distinctive architecture had not yet been invented. In his iconic “Recommendation for a monument” his sarcastic suggestion that decoration upon generic form was the most ethical and economic method of design, exposed the complete lack of subtlety in designs that managed to serve specific functions in the absence of architectural innovation. Rather than create a home for new human activity, it was clear that one need only name a space in order for it to serve a specific function. Although modular, multipurpose, space had been realized long ago behind the glass curtain walls of modern skyscapers, after 1972, one could not escape the vulgar conclusion that the space itself was a nostalgic theatre enabling the suspension of disbelief which designated the offices of one box from the warehouse or monument of another.<br />
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In essence, symbolism had invaded space rendering residual communicative modalities in architectural form (the steeple, the column, the storefront) which directed activities within them unnecessary. In a traditional town one might recognize a church by a steeple, and civic institutions by classical architecture – but in Las Vegas one needed only to read a sign that read “CHAPEL” and a marriage could be performed. Resistance to the glass curtain and the modernist box need not be overcome by a radical re-education of a public in modernist aesthetics, but by the complete removal of ambiguity through the ultimate abstraction of the sign. Buildings had entered a realm of mediation, and the Las Vegas strip presented an intermediate phenomenon whereby one could could navigate a foreign landscape and locate a desired service or commodity in spite of all unfamiliarity with the landscape itself. <br />
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Venturi's Monument, like a Vegas chapel, anticipates the remediation of spatial phenomena in immaterial spaces and illustrates that function itself is not material, but something performed by actors engaged in a collective fiction. Once it was plainly clear that all the world was a stage, it followed that with the proper, scripting, semiotic device, the market no longer needed to be a specific locality in order to function as a market.<br />
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<br />
= Market as Stage: A comparison of three Stock Markets=<br />
<br />
NASDAQ [[Image:Nasdaq0952.jpg|thumb|right|NASDAQ's only physical manifestations are purely symbolic, they fully realize Venturi's conception of an alternative medium housing the functions that previously required a complex and unique architecture]]<br />
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On February 8, 1971, a year prior to Venturi's publication of "Learning From Las Vegas," the world witnessed the birth of the first purely electronic stock market, NASDAQ. In contrast to traditional stock markets, NASDAQ's elimination of a trading floor helped to minimize the spread between the bid price and the ask price of a stock through it's computer bulletin board system. Although the market initially did not connect buyers and sellers directly, it presented a successor to over-the-counter finance and introduced a market function that did not depend on person to person trade. NASDAQ initially relied upon the use of telephones to connect buyers, brokers and sellers, yet currently relies upon electronic communication networks. As the world's largest stock market, in terms of companies listed and trades per day, NASDAQ is a functioning market without the spatial enclosure of a market, a product of the information age, and a phenomenon which illuminates the theatrical gestures elsewhere to preserve and exhibit a non-essential spatiality.<br />
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The New York Stock Exchange [[Image:TRADING floor 042007.jpg|thumb|right|Chaos on the NYSE trading floor constitutes genuine trading activity kept alive through the hybrid market's "cake mix effect"]]<br />
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Although the New York Stock exchange no longer engages in over-the-counter trading, its trading floor is a bustling theatre of trading activity. The floor itself might be seen as an obsolescent inefficiency, yet it is worth noting that in dollar volume, the NYSE remains a larger market than the NASDAQ despite having less listings. The NYSE is called a hybrid market because customers are given the choice of whether to send orders for immediate electronic execution or whether to submit an order to the trading floor for trading in the auction market. The preservation of human interaction on the floor itself seems to embody a nostalgia inherent in "the cake mix effect" whereby the efficiency of a sequence is interrupted by redundant steps as a defense from the obsolescence of a sequence understood to have cultural value. The floor is a tradition that is alive and well, yet this phenomenon eludes the mere prerequisite of market function, effectively defending a culture whose continued presence preserves an illusion that the market is still a market.<br />
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<br />
The Shanghai Stock Exchange [[Image:Xin 09020401155645001043.jpg|thumb|right|The empty trading floor in Shanghai]]<br />
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In perhaps the most bizarre isolation of medium from message at a time when the space of a trading floor is obsolescent, the Shanghai Stock Exchange, though entirely electronic like NASDAQ, has a trading floor which serves no market function in performance or otherwise. As a relatively new market, the physicality of a trading floor lends authority to the electronic transactions which occur in reference to it, yet it simultaneously sits as the vacant theatre of a performance which never took place. Whereas the NYSE might be understood as a monument to trading which lays claim to cultural capital and ensures continued longevity, the Shanghai Stock Exchange physical existence seems in contrast to be legitimizing a market dependent upon foreign investors that equate the physical market with a "real" market worthy of investment. The market extends Robert Venturi's visual joke into unexpected territory, announcing "I AM A MARKET" in spite of foreign anxieties which might argue otherwise.<br />
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= The Market as an Object of Representation and Modeling=<br />
This section will look at how the market as an object was subsumed by "the economy," following Timothy Mitchell's argument in his article, "Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century". Mitchell argues that the objectification of the market and the economy is accomplished by economic, econometric, and governmental attempts to keep track of monetary exchange. In other words, measurements of the market serve to constitute the object they seek to measure (Mitchell 2005). Following Mitchell's argument and drawing from Randy Martin's book, ''An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management'', we propose that the death of the market as a media object was accomplished by the same process that made it; measurements of market activity become the condition of possibility for this activity in such a way that measuring and regulatory acts become immanent to actual commodities. Commodities now no longer need the frame of the market to act as a structure, providing the affordances and prohibitions of exchange. Now these regulatory/technical capacities are embedded in commodities such as derivatives and securities, as Randy Martin demonstrates.<br />
<br />
== The Market as a Medium ==<br />
<br />
In addition to asking how the market comes to be an object, it is relevant for this project to ask, to what extent can the market be characterized as a medium? And, insofar as it is a medium, to what extent can the market be characterized as a dead medium?<br />
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In order to answer these questions, one must consider different definitions and uses of the word, market.<br />
<br />
1) Fernand Braudel defines the market as that which mediates between material life and economic life. This understanding is obsolete because the possibility of mediation requires a prior separation between the two entities--in this case material and economic life--being mediated. A Marxist reading of capitalism, especially as it was taken up by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics, suggests that material and economic life are no longer separate, that the economy has become a condition of possibility for material life, and is therefore immanent to it. The market as a medium in this regard is dead.<br />
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2) The market can also refer to a physical place where commodities are exchanged, as in a marketplace. This is similar to Mitchell's discussion of the market before the use of the word economy to refer to an object of economic analysis. This market is an inert space where the lives of people and the fruits of the land interact. In this case it is a passive medium through which commodities are exchanged. The message being mediated is the trade between the commodity and money, but the marketplace does not mediate this message. The medium is actually the socially agreed up or legal rules that determine the contract of exchange. It is these rules that construct the space as a market, and it has been proven that exchange can happen without being enclosed in a spatial entity determined to be a marketplace. The market as a spatial entity is dead insofar as merchants and buyers no longer have to go to a physical place to engage in acts of exchange. The contracts determining an act of exchange do not require all parties to be in the same place, and with the internet, parties engaged in an act of exchange to do not have to make contact at the same time. <br />
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It is even necessary to consider the death of exchange, for exchange implies that all parties lose one object (either a commodity or money) and gain another. However, value is now generated from situations of loss and lack, and from the differentials between predicted prices (See section entitled "Investing in Risk" below). '''It may be now be possible to talk about a production of value independent of exchange.''' <br />
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3) The market is also a conceptual category referring to a specific type of commodity that can be bought and sold (i.e., the job market, the stock market). The stipulation is that there has to be more than one seller offering the commodity to at least one buyer. The sellers exist in a market competing for the buyers, who can choose between them. In this case the competitive conditions impact the price. In this way There is argument about whether this type of free market in which prices are determined by supply and demand under conditions of competition is alive or dead. Manuel DeLanda argues that capitalism is an anti-market because price is regulated by factors other than supply and demand in a competitive market; in other words, price is imposed from outside the market (DeLanda, Markets and Antimarkets in the World Economy).<br />
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4) Another meaning for the word market is an aggregate of economic exchange in a given totality, such as "the U.S. market". Mitchell argues that the market in this definition is an object of calculation and analysis, and that therefore the acts of objectification comprise the object we know as the market. According to Mitchell, "the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism" (Mitchell 2007, 7). By this logic, capitalism is a sort of matrix or substrate made of the technical enactment of boundaries between inside and outside. The boundary-making itself is the substance of capitalism. This speaks to McCluhan's famous statement that "the medium is message". In this case the analysis of markets become the condition of possibility for markets, and this condition of possibility is the actual medium. <br />
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The question remains, what message is being mediated here. Mitchell's analysis serves to show that the market is not actually a bounded object, and because of this we can presuppose autonomy for any entities between which the market mediates. The market is no longer a medium.<br />
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== The Market as an Organic Body ==<br />
<br />
In Braudel's definition of the market, his use of the term "economic life" implies that economic activity is alive, or that it is a site where life happens. Timothy Mitchell finds that dominant ideas of the market before the 1930s treated it as an aggregate of life forces, or "individual utilities" (Mitchell 2005, 129). The Malthusian relationship between land fertility and population size comprised the object of analysis as "an organic world of human settlement, agriculture, and the movement of populations, goods, and wealth" (Mitchell 2005, 128). <br />
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Towards the end of the 1800s, the idea of the market as a separate surface began, but it was not yet a "self-contained sphere, imagined as machine whose internal mechanisms and exchanges separate it from other social processes (Mitchell 2005, 128). Rather, "The object of analysis was made up of forces, conceived as individual utilities, that were assumed to be in balance. The site of this mechanical equilibrium was 'the market'.... As a neutral, planar surface, the market of neoclassical economics had no depth, no dynamic structure, no forces of its own, no 'macro' dimension that could be described apart from the individual utilities that moved across it. It was an inert, unmoving space" (Mitchell 2005, 129). In this characterization, the market was not seen as a system. It was rather a space that could be filled with individual energy; this is quite different from the current idea of "the economy" as a thermodynamic system in which the whole exerts force onto each of the parts. In this older conception of the market, the equilibrium of individual forces was not imposed by a greater whole, but seemed to arise naturally. <br />
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Mitchell argues that the term, "economy" was not used in its contemporary sense, as an object of economic analysis, until it was actually taken as an object of economic analysis by econometrics in the 1930s. This was around the same time John Maynard Keynes began to refer to "the economic system as a whole" (Mitchell 2005, 130). Mitchell characterizes econometrics as "the attempt to create a mathematical representation of the entire economic process as a self-contained and dynamic mechanism" (Mitchell 2005, 131). At this point the dynamism of the economy incorporates or subsumes a collection of markets into itself. Economic processes are seen as a totality and it is possible to distinguish between that which is internal and that which is external to this totality. External forces impact the economy, causing "reverberations throughout the internal machine" (Mitchell 2005, 133). <br />
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This notion of the economy as a system seems to persist, but perhaps with an important development. It is still understood as a systemic totality, but the external forces that impact it have been subsumed into the economy (partly through the statistical measurements of aggregates and averages such as gross national product and average spending). It is understood more like an organism than a machine requiring a human laborer. Randy Martin describes this organic model: "An economy could become overheated and melt down or explode. The social sciences more generally were predicated on this image of a closed system. The system adapted to internal strains by growth and differentiation. It maintained boundaries, kept out threatening uncertainties, and externalized unintended consequences from its internal decisions" (Martin, 28-29).<br />
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=== The Death of Equilibrium/Equilibrium as Death ===<br />
<br />
Organic models of systems describe systems as thermodynamic, operating like a thermostat that adjusts to external stimuli, or adapts external stimuli to it, in such a way that the system maintains equilibrium. Business cycle models of the market speak the language of thermodynamics because the market returns to the same stages each time it goes through a cycle. However, some contemporary critiques of capitalism argue that capitalism operates more as a ''state'' of instability than a ''system'' at equilibrium (See Clough 2007). <br />
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Randy Martin looks at this problem of equilibrium/disequilibrium in terms of the financial logic of risk that, he argues, has permeated economic thinking and has defined the subject as an investor. Martin traces the U.S.'s switch from a creditor to a debtor nation in the 1980s, when the nation began to operate through consumption without production. During this time risk became a sign of strength and power and the need for stability was a sign of weakness, now associated with the third world (Martin, 28). Being in debt, which used to be a sign of weakness, became a source of value. Debt is repackaged into securities. <br />
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Beginning in the late 1970s after the U.S. dollar was delinked from the gold standard, "monetary movement was being freed to spread the wealth. Equilibrium-- key to Bretton Woods and early monetarist currency controls-- was no longer a condition of exchange. The dollar's spread, the expansion of debt and speculation, fostered disequilibrium and its attendant risks as a new horizon of opportunity. Fixing exchange to a physical standard perpetuated the image of the economy as a closed system. It could grow in proportion to the balance of inputs and outputs" (Martin, 29). According to Martin, money's attachment to the gold standard provided a kind of mystification that had a performative function; it created a "system-based moral and political economy" that was then overtaken by financial reason: in Martin's words, "when the investor who knows no country elbowed out the consumer-citizen of the nation-state, the organic closed system, result of the social sciences' unacknowledged metaphorizing of the social, was morphing into a different kind of beast" (Martin, 29). The a delinking of the subject from the nation-state goes hand-in-hand with the advent of the investor, who is a self-managing risk-taker. <br />
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Within this finance economy, speculation is the only way to thrive economically, and speculation relies on both present and future instability and unpredictability (for more on unpredictability, see Clough). It is the very lack of predictability of capitalism that makes speculation such a profitable game; if the economy were truly predictable, than there would be no competition for correct guesses and measurements, and a securities package would not be a commodity.<br />
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== New Encodings ==<br />
<br />
A capitalist market needs to have what Timothy Mitchell calls an "apparatus of representation" in order to convert material into abstract capital. He argues that failing capitalist economies differ from their succeeding counterparts because of how their wealth is held, not because of how much wealth they have. It is a matter of coding material into a symbolic system: "Representations of material goods transform their value into abstract forms, which can live an 'invisible, parallel life' alongside their physical existence. The West has invented procedures to create these invisible forms. Individuals in the West can unlock the assets accumulated in physical property, transforming material wealth into abstract capital" (Mitchell 2007, 9). <br />
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Evidence of this claim lies in how markets and nonmarkets are distinguished by economists: "...in describing what this nonmarket world lacks, neoclassical economics tends to diagnose its defects as an absence of techniques of representation. Things are stuck outside the market because they are not properly represented-- by property records, prices, or other systems of reference. What economic analysis does, however, is not to represent what was previously unrepresented, but to try and reorganize the circulation and control of representations" (Mitchell 2007, 7). This circulation of representations is not only happening in the realm of the social sciences, but is an economic circulation. In fact, a derivative can be described as a packaged representation of a fluctuation in price that can be bought and sold as a commodity. This exemplifies the way in which value is generated by coding, not merely by quantities of material wealth. <br />
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=== Coding of Risk, Instability ===<br />
<br />
How to understand market activity after the traditional market dies. Instead of coding commodities as valuable (Mitchell, 2007), Randy Martin argues that capitalism is following a financial logic, which extracts value from predicting future price fluctuations, interest rates, exchange rates, and packages this risk into new kinds of commodities, such as derivatives and securities.<br />
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"Properly ascertained risk, not growth per se, is what yields rewards. The trade in risk avoidance devolves into a profit on risk itself" (Martin, 33).==== Futurity in the Present ====<br />
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Another way to probe this idea of the death of the market as a system at equilibrium is to think about the non-linear time made possible by predictions. As Martin illustrates in his discussion of derivatives, Branding: "In its infinite differentiation of product ranges, branding plays with a combination of familiarity plus novelty, a ''past-futurity''. New memories installed that you have not phenomenologically experienced in order to produce a certain receptivity to brand triggers" (Parisi and Goodman, 2006).<br />
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<br />
==== Derivatives ====<br />
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A derivative is a contract on "some variation in price" (Martin, 31). EXAMPLE: "a firm selling a product overseas that will not be deliverable for several years will create a contract to fix currency exchange rates for the time when the product is finished. The expected difference between current and future exchange rates can then be sold as a separate commodity" (Martin, 31). "A similar contract could hedge against a change in interest rates, or the price of raw materials, or delivery costs" (Martin, 31).<br />
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<br />
"Derivatives remove reference from the commodity. They allow debt to serve as a productive medium from which countless commodities can be spawned. Derivatives are promissory notes issued between firms. They represent a prime vehicle with which industrial corporations undertake the function of banks by engaging in financial services." (Martin, 31)<br />
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"The derivative is a sign of the shift in the beneficiaries of development from populations or nations to other economic actors. Those who can steward risk will advance....The capacity for financial decision making trumps democratic involvement to decide political representation" (Martin, 31).<br />
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==== Securities ====<br />
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<br />
Spatial Representation''':<br />
<br />
The purpose of any space is determined by both the symbols used to<br />
designate where one is (ie an open for business sign), and the<br />
practices that take place there. In "Learning From Las Vegas," Robert<br />
Venturi takes a close look at how the Vegas Strip (in the late 60's)<br />
consisted of buildings that were differentiated primarily by flashy<br />
signs decorating unoriginal buildings (what he called the "decorated<br />
shed." He traced the phenomenon to the impact of speed on<br />
architecture - mainly that in a landscape where one drives past<br />
buildings, signs enable one to differentiate one space from another at<br />
a faster speed than differentiated architectures could (which is why<br />
signs matter so much for businesses on highways).<br />
<br />
What makes this so interesting is that when semiotics are reintroduced<br />
into architecture, communicating the specific use of a generic space,<br />
buildings enter a mediated realm - And I think that's key here - that<br />
when people believe they're in a market when they see a "market" sign,<br />
it enables the use of a spatial semiotic to successfully mediate the<br />
entire space provided that the same activity occurs - which is really<br />
just to say that the Las Vegas strip is this intermediate phenomenon<br />
whereby we all can find what we want in foreign places, and that's<br />
precisely the mechanism by which we can create a market without the<br />
actual space of a market (a shopping cart icon does the trick!).<br />
<br />
'''Immanent Representation''':<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
Braudel, Fernand. 1982. The wheels of commerce. New York: Harper & Row.<br />
<br />
Buck-Morss, Susan. Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display. Critical Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter, 1995), pp. 434-467. The University of Chicago Press<br />
<br />
Clough, Patricia, et. al. 2007. Notes Towards a Theory of Affect Itself. ''ephemera: theory and politics in organization''. 7(1):60-77.<br />
<br />
Jameson Fredric, “Culture and Finance Capital,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1, (1997 ), pp. 246-265. <br />
<br />
Martin, Randy. 2007. And Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management. Durham and London: Duke University Press.<br />
<br />
Massumi, Brian. The Future Birth of the Affective Fact. DATE JOURNAL<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. 2005. Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century. ''The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences: Positivism and its Epistemological Others'', edited by George Steinmetz.<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. [From an early version of the following paper.] 2007. The Properties of Markets. ''Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics''. Edited by Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />
<br />
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Braudel on Capitalism, or Everything Upside Down” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 2, A Special Issue on Modern France (Jun., 1991), pp. 354-361</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=The_Market&diff=4650The Market2008-04-16T18:54:45Z<p>Samhan: /* Enclosing and Encoding the Market */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Image:Shopping Cart.jpg]]<br />
<br />
In this dossier's engagement with the intersection of the built and mediated environment, we interpret Marshall McLuhan's argument that the remediation process whereby one medium survives as the content of another is the preservation of a distinct ''function'' in the midst of informatic and material transformation. This is not to suggest any predetermined trajectory of cultural obsolescence whereby a pre-existing function is stripped of cultural obstacles in its way, but rather to note that, ''in hindsight, content's transformative mechanism of appropriation enables us to examine behavioral systems, and the environment that housed them, as dead media,'' and that such dead media provide insights into a story of the concentration and distillation of culture into the symbolic content of later media which house cultural remains. <br />
<br />
Within the larger discussion of critical techniques this Archive attempts to employ, this dossier might also best be understood as an attempt to bridge our understanding of the isolation of <br />
medium from message (in the Hermes model) with our understanding of the communicative properties of materials which exhibit no such fragmentation (in the Iris model), as well as the rhizomatic, independent, message function that, in its ubiquitous employabilty, conforms to no specific medium (the Furies model). Far from suggesting an evolutionary hierarchy towards the immaterial, the market may, however, provide deeper insights into our understanding of the remediating processes at work in each of the three. <br />
<br />
We trace the process whereby the concentration of trading behavior and its eventual standardization was enabled by its enclosure in the space of the market, and the processes whereby this concentration separated market activity from a distinct built environment, isolating a function which is non-physical and anticipates the remediation of the market in the scripting content of immaterial spaces. Although we make no attempt to argue that physical market sites no longer exist, we do attempt to expose the informatic and material shifts that have obsolesced such physical environments, rendering the built environments that remain stages which serve a social function that is, in itself, a commodity. We identify the legacy of this fragmentation in the built environment and in the spaces which now bear witness to the market function in unexpected forms, yet we hope that future contributions will enrich and complicate the conceptual and mediatic transformations that accompanied the resurrection of symbolism in architecture.<br />
<br />
[[Image:Colourful shopping carts.jpg|thumb|right| What was once a spatial locality with a distinct form and use is now pure function with no distinct materiality]] [[Image:TUR1491SpiceBazaar.jpg]] <br />
<br />
=The History of Exchange= <br />
<br />
<br />
==The Market in Capitalism==<br />
<br />
===What is a market?===<br />
1.All of types of exchange that go beyond self-sufficiency, of all the wheels of trade, large and small, that we have described, of all the categories relating to trading areas (urban market, national market) or to a given product (the market in sugar, precious metals, spices etc.). In this sense the word is the equivalent of exchange, circulation and distribution. <br />
<br />
2.Large broad form of exchange, also known as market economy. <br />
<br />
To posit a pre-“anything” is to argue an implicit periodization of a concept. And undoubtedly, to suggest that there was a mode of representation or media such as “the market” so entrenched within the cultural values and practices of capitalism that preceded it, would also then require some explaining. Thankfully, in this task, we follow historian Fernand Braudel, who has undertaken massive volumes of study in this area. The trajectory of Braudel’s project, in line with his Annales colleagues more generally, is to provide a historiography of capitalism does not reify the very object of analysis—the ever-expanding, seemingly amoebic process called capitalism, which Marx himself referred to as comparable to “queer things abounding.” The danger would be to overlook how the market embodies the shifting historic-economic transition from merchant to industrial to finance capitalism. <br />
<br />
With respect to Marx and the present study at hand, it could be argued that Marx dealt the strongest blow the concept of the market as a fixed, spatial location of exchange; so why even proceed? Well, indeed, “the market” as a spatial category very much plays a large part in various spheres of life, most pressingly the cultural, social and political. Moreover, many scholars, Frederic Jameson most famously, have even suggested that the economic has fallen to the level of culture (See Jameson). In such arguments, there is an assumed de-differentiation of previously separate spheres. The guiding question in this section will be (roughly): How did the market become differentiated in the first place? <br />
<br />
==The Market as Interface of Digital and Analog==<br />
Braudel makes a distinction between “material life” and “economic life,” suggesting that the market, stalls and shops form a discontinuous contact surface between the two. By “material life” he means the most elementary, autarkic societies and by “economic life” he means commerce, currencies, and exchanges (Braudel, 21). Hence, the market is a medium in the sense that it translates the “non-economy, imprisoned within self-sufficiency” to the level of “exchange-“or “market-value.” The discontinuity, for Braudel, is clearly rooted his positing some sort of non-economy that precedes full-blown capitalism. In other words, Braudel envisions precapitalist market as being discontinuous and spontaneous whereas the “true capitalist” market becomes continuous and permanently reified as “the market.” Is this distinction between discontinuity and continuity also that of digital and analog? Here, it can be argued that Braudel’s point is a bit nostalgic. That is to say, that Braudel’s overarching project to delink what he calls “economic life” from capitalism, which he sometimes refers to as “true capitalism”(Wallerstein, 354) necessitates a level of fixity in what he calls a market (as opposed to anti-market). Immanuel Wallerstein helps us understand this part of Braudel very clearly. He suggests that that Braudel makes a clear distinction between “economic life” and “material life.” Economic life moves out of the unconscious routine of the daily life towards a more conscious and active process of the division of labor (Wallerstein, 355). Framed within admittedly fraught distinction between continuous/discontinuous, we can suggest that for Braudel the material life is analog; hence unconscious, though nevertheless full of regularities. Economic life, that is “true capitalist” life, is too then perceivably analog as it is an instrumental, goal-oriented activity of production bounded in the smoothness of consciousness. But indeed, the market is that which interfaces and mediates the economic life into material life. In addition, Wallerstein suggests that Braudel sees that market economy as transparent, whereas material life (below) and economic life (above) are shadowy and opaque, in contrast. However, the zone above, on the other hand, (the economy) the zone of capitalism, was opaque, in this case because capitalists wanted it so. It was a zone in which “certain groups of privileged actors were engaged in circuits and calculations that ordinary people knew nothing of” (Braudel as quoted in Wallerstein, 355). Thus, in this mediation, there is a “blackboxing” of the guts of exchange. The market economy (or the antimarket) does not show the immanent negotiation of the market transaction, and indeed the fixing of the market-price. Price control, which Susan Buck-Morss rightly notes becomes the representational bottom-line of the market (Buck-Morss, 463). <br />
<br />
(The specific definition of the market is rendered even in the layout of the three volumes of Braudel’s Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century.) Against Polanyi, he argues that “the market” as a vital component of the “market economy” is a consolidation, rationalization and even remediation of practices or instruments of exchange, which existed centuries prior to the 15th century, when we see the emergence of the ordinary market (e.g., the farmer’s market). The farmer’s market is characterized by what Braudel labels “immediate exchange,” describing it as such: “goods are sold on the spot, the purchases are taken and paid for there and then. Credit is hardly used…”(Ibid., 29). Immediate exchange had been practiced centuries or millennia before in ancient Greece, classical China, the Americas (Aztecs) and all over Africa. <br />
<br />
==Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange==<br />
In the 15th century, markets were held twice a week in towns and urban centers in theory only. Especially in cities such as Paris, markets were held daily. The twice-a-week rule was not so much an effect of regulation but of necessity, as the surrounding countryside needed time to supply them. During the 17th century, the shift from being held in between town and countryside to being held at the heart of towns, usually in the town squares. As towns continued to grow in size, so did the markets, to the point where the tiny town squares could no longer accommodate the number of vendors coming to sell their goods. Here are Braudel’s words: “And since they [markets] represented modernity on the march, their growth allowed no obstacle to bar their way: they could with impunity impose on their surroundings their congestion, their rubbish and their obstinate gatherings of people” (Braudel, 31). The solution adopted was that of banishing them to the outskirts of town. However, as a reaction against this measure, markets would appear as open spaces would open up, especially seasonally with the freezing over of rivers, on which goods could be brought back and forth via sled. Braudel recounts two such examples—Moscow’s Moscova river and London’s Thames. The latter is most famously represented in the adjoining engraving. <br />
[[Image:FaironThames.jpg|thumb|right|Fair on Thames 1683]]<br />
<br />
===Enclosing and Encoding the Market===<br />
Markets existed in very ancient times within a single village or group of villages—the market being a sort of itinerant village, as the fair was a sort of traveling town. But the decisive step in this long history was taken when the town appropriated these little markets. It absorbed them and inflated them to its own dimensions, in return having to accept the demands they made on it. <br />
<br />
The urban markets may have been invented by the Phoenicians. The Greek city-states had a market on the agora. The proliferation of markets beyond the town squares elicited a response by towns to take regulatory measures, the most significant of which was the construction of covered markets (halls or halles), at times surrounded by open-air markets (Braudel, 33). In the 16th century, the towns and cities of England saw a series of markethalls with different names spring up, often at the experience of a wealthy local merchant disposed to be generous. The word halle could mean several things then, from a simple covered market to the mighty buildings and complicated organizations of the Halles which were from a very early date ‘the belly of Paris.’ What is of note is that these were mostly permanent and specialized. London, for example, by 1660, halls had “full-time employees, and a whole complicated administration” (Braudel, 33). <br />
[[Image:Halle.jpg |thumb|left|Halles in Britanny, late 16th century]]<br />
The Halles was a huge combination of covered spaces and open spaces, its pillars holding up the arcades of neighboring houses, and surrounded by a bustling commercial life on the fringes of the central market, taking advantage of the disorder and sprawl and creating more of both to its own profit. Additionally, it marked the beginning of the usage of the term “market” as associated with a specific good such as “labor market.” Though it seems like a minor detail in the history of commerce, the covering of markets, we would argue, is a major turning-point or "break boundary" as "the system generated by the artifact suddenly changes into another or passes some point of no return in its dynamic processes" (quoted from Critical Techniques page). Once markets were covered and centralized, we see that the political interventions on markets would follow to delimit the contingent and spontaneous nature of markets. <br />
<br />
[[Image:Markettownsinwales.jpg|thumb|right| 800 Market Towns in England/Wales 1500-1640]]<br />
With the springing of markets all over various cities, towns began to intervene, once again, through spatial restrictions. London, again, provides a very enlightening example for Braudel. With the London market came the dislocation of the traditional market (public, nothing could be concealed), producer-vendor and buyer-consumer meet face to face. The distance between the two was becoming too great to be traveled by ordinary people. The merchant, or middleman, had already, from at least the thirteenth century, made his appearance in England, as a go-between for town and country, in particular in the corn trade. Gradually, chains of intermediaries were set up between producer and merchant on one hand, and between merchant and retailer on the other; along these chains passed the bulk of the trade in butter, cheese, poultry produce, fruit, vegetables and milk (Braudel, 42). Moreover, beyond goods of produce and industry (mostly crafts), land also became traded on the market. The market is then, in turn, a coterminous concept with “commodity,” as it becomes a facilitating medium for commodities. It becomes the connection, or encoding interface by which the commodity could be transformed from use-value to exchange-value. By encoding, I mean to suggest that the market becomes part of the grammar of commodities in market capitalism. How this functions I would argue is that the market becomes the system of rationality that is able to bring within a bounded geographical and symbolic system, effectively doing away with the barter system of mercantilism, and instating a mode of representation with its unit of measurement being the commodity. After it is enclosed and encoded, the market becomes the sole means by which to exchange, thus acting as a formal prohibition for all economic activity. Markets become the dominant economic media. <br />
The market then is the condition of possibility for commodities, but “the null point of social community (Buck-Morss, 437). Susan Buck-Morss goes so far as to argue that the market then elicits a certain mode of subjectivity that undergirds the market and commodity—the economic actor that is a, harkening back to the Freudian theory of human as a “bundle of instincts,” a “bounded rationality” (Buck-Morss, 466). Bounded rationality for Buck-Morss, is indicative of the effects of market-encoding or market-modeling that points towards the “depersonalization of exchange” (Buck-Morss, 437).<br />
<br />
=Theatricality in the creation of a consuming subject=<br />
<br />
Although there is much disagreement as to when consumer culture emerged fully formed, it is clear that the social transformation that accompanied its arrival required an unprecedented effort to pursuade individuals to consume as a way of life. The combined forces of advertising, branding and strategic exhibition of foreign objects, colluded in an elaborate performance which sought to embed curiosity in consuming subjects eager to witness the magic of a marketplace disrupting traditional social fabric. Although<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=Semiotics in the Liberation of Function from Form=<br />
[[Image:Monument.jpg|right|thumb|Robert Venturi's "Recommendation for a monument" from [[Learning From Las Vegas]], 1972]]<br />
<br />
<br />
''... ours is not the environment for heroic communication through pure architecture. Each medium has its day, and the rhetorical environmental statements of our time – civic, commercial, or residential – will come from media more purely symbolic, perhaps less static and more adaptable to the scale of our environment. The iconography and mixed media of roadside commercial architecture will point the way if we will look. Housing for the elderly on the Oak Street Connector, if it had to be a monument, would have been more economical, socially responsible and amenable as a conventional apartment building,lost by the side of the expressway, with a big sign on top blinking, I AM A MONUMENT. Decoration is cheaper. <br />
<br />
- Robert Venturi,"Learning From Las Vegas," 1972''<br />
<br />
<br />
----<br />
[[Image:Vegas strip.jpg|thumb|right|The Upper Strip Looking North]]<br />
[[Image:Normal wedding-chapel-las-vegas.jpg|thumb|right|A Vegas chapel: function legitimated through semiotics]]<br />
<br />
When Robert Venturi looked to the vernacular architecture on the Las Vegas strip in the late 1960's, he saw a resurrection of symbolism in the built environment that had seemed destined for extinction in the wake of architectural modernism. Whereas the Bauhaus' legacy in modernism had stripped buildings of ornament in an attempt to unify form with function, Venturi was amazed to find a Las Vegas strip dotted with generic buildings differentiated only by elaborate ornamental signs designating the unique functions and identities of otherwise identical spaces. <br />
<br />
The Vegas strip not only violated a progression away from decoration (which led many to credit Venturi's text as the first postmodern architectural manifesto) but brought more clearly into focus the impact of the automobile upon architecture that needed to be identified from greater distances over shorter durations of time. Whereas the heroic communication of pure architecture had in the past led to forms and facades which - albeit imperfectly - communicated the activities contained within them, Venturi noted that in a land of highways and commercial strips the same system of (road) signs that enabled standardized navigation of an entire continent also enabled a faster recognition of the buildings and spaces one passed by. The vital necessity of introducing semiotic distinctions between buildings exemplified the spatial distortions that accompany accelerated movement and the distribution of communities across expanding territories.<br />
<br />
Whereas the built environment brought countless aspects of human activity into existence by anchoring them in physical space, what Venturi exposed was the cultural appropriation of semiotic systems to designate spaces whose distinctive architecture had not yet been invented. In his iconic “Recommendation for a monument” his sarcastic suggestion that decoration upon generic form was the most ethical and economic method of design, exposed the complete lack of subtlety in designs that managed to serve specific functions in the absence of architectural innovation. Rather than create a home for new human activity, it was clear that one need only name a space in order for it to serve a specific function. Although modular, multipurpose, space had been realized long ago behind the glass curtain walls of modern skyscapers, after 1972, one could not escape the vulgar conclusion that the space itself was a nostalgic theatre enabling the suspension of disbelief which designated the offices of one box from the warehouse or monument of another.<br />
<br />
In essence, symbolism had invaded space rendering residual communicative modalities in architectural form (the steeple, the column, the storefront) which directed activities within them unnecessary. In a traditional town one might recognize a church by a steeple, and civic institutions by classical architecture – but in Las Vegas one needed only to read a sign that read “CHAPEL” and a marriage could be performed. Resistance to the glass curtain and the modernist box need not be overcome by a radical re-education of a public in modernist aesthetics, but by the complete removal of ambiguity through the ultimate abstraction of the sign. Buildings had entered a realm of mediation, and the Las Vegas strip presented an intermediate phenomenon whereby one could could navigate a foreign landscape and locate a desired service or commodity in spite of all unfamiliarity with the landscape itself. <br />
<br />
Venturi's Monument, like a Vegas chapel, anticipates the remediation of spatial phenomena in immaterial spaces and illustrates that function itself is not material, but something performed by actors engaged in a collective fiction. Once it was plainly clear that all the world was a stage, it followed that with the proper, scripting, semiotic device, the market no longer needed to be a specific locality in order to function as a market.<br />
----<br />
<br />
= Market as Stage: A comparison of three Stock Markets=<br />
<br />
NASDAQ [[Image:Nasdaq0952.jpg|thumb|right|NASDAQ's only physical manifestations are purely symbolic, they fully realize Venturi's conception of an alternative medium housing the functions that previously required a complex and unique architecture]]<br />
<br />
On February 8, 1971, a year prior to Venturi's publication of "Learning From Las Vegas," the world witnessed the birth of the first purely electronic stock market, NASDAQ. In contrast to traditional stock markets, NASDAQ's elimination of a trading floor helped to minimize the spread between the bid price and the ask price of a stock through it's computer bulletin board system. Although the market initially did not connect buyers and sellers directly, it presented a successor to over-the-counter finance and introduced a market function that did not depend on person to person trade. NASDAQ initially relied upon the use of telephones to connect buyers, brokers and sellers, yet currently relies upon electronic communication networks. As the world's largest stock market, in terms of companies listed and trades per day, NASDAQ is a functioning market without the spatial enclosure of a market, a product of the information age, and a phenomenon which illuminates the theatrical gestures elsewhere to preserve and exhibit a non-essential spatiality.<br />
<br />
The New York Stock Exchange [[Image:TRADING floor 042007.jpg|thumb|right|Chaos on the NYSE trading floor constitutes genuine trading activity kept alive through the hybrid market's "cake mix effect"]]<br />
<br />
Although the New York Stock exchange no longer engages in over-the-counter trading, its trading floor is a bustling theatre of trading activity. The floor itself might be seen as an obsolescent inefficiency, yet it is worth noting that in dollar volume, the NYSE remains a larger market than the NASDAQ despite having less listings. The NYSE is called a hybrid market because customers are given the choice of whether to send orders for immediate electronic execution or whether to submit an order to the trading floor for trading in the auction market. The preservation of human interaction on the floor itself seems to embody a nostalgia inherent in "the cake mix effect" whereby the efficiency of a sequence is interrupted by redundant steps as a defense from the obsolescence of a sequence understood to have cultural value. The floor is a tradition that is alive and well, yet this phenomenon eludes the mere prerequisite of market function, effectively defending a culture whose continued presence preserves an illusion that the market is still a market.<br />
<br />
<br />
The Shanghai Stock Exchange [[Image:Xin 09020401155645001043.jpg|thumb|right|The empty trading floor in Shanghai]]<br />
<br />
In perhaps the most bizarre isolation of medium from message at a time when the space of a trading floor is obsolescent, the Shanghai Stock Exchange, though entirely electronic like NASDAQ, has a trading floor which serves no market function in performance or otherwise. As a relatively new market, the physicality of a trading floor lends authority to the electronic transactions which occur in reference to it, yet it simultaneously sits as the vacant theatre of a performance which never took place. Whereas the NYSE might be understood as a monument to trading which lays claim to cultural capital and ensures continued longevity, the Shanghai Stock Exchange physical existence seems in contrast to be legitimizing a market dependent upon foreign investors that equate the physical market with a "real" market worthy of investment. The market extends Robert Venturi's visual joke into unexpected territory, announcing "I AM A MARKET" in spite of foreign anxieties which might argue otherwise.<br />
<br />
= The Market as an Object of Representation and Modeling=<br />
This section will look at how the market as an object was subsumed by "the economy," following Timothy Mitchell's argument in his article, "Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century". Mitchell argues that the objectification of the market and the economy is accomplished by economic, econometric, and governmental attempts to keep track of monetary exchange. In other words, measurements of the market serve to constitute the object they seek to measure (Mitchell 2005). Following Mitchell's argument and drawing from Randy Martin's book, ''An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management'', we propose that the death of the market as a media object was accomplished by the same process that made it; measurements of market activity become the condition of possibility for this activity in such a way that measuring and regulatory acts become immanent to actual commodities. Commodities now no longer need the frame of the market to act as a structure, providing the affordances and prohibitions of exchange. Now these regulatory/technical capacities are embedded in commodities such as derivatives and securities, as Randy Martin demonstrates.<br />
<br />
== The Market as a Medium ==<br />
<br />
In addition to asking how the market comes to be an object, it is relevant for this project to ask, to what extent can the market be characterized as a medium? And, insofar as it is a medium, to what extent can the market be characterized as a dead medium?<br />
<br />
In order to answer these questions, one must consider different definitions and uses of the word, market.<br />
<br />
1) Fernand Braudel defines the market as that which mediates between material life and economic life. This understanding is obsolete because the possibility of mediation requires a prior separation between the two entities--in this case material and economic life--being mediated. A Marxist reading of capitalism, especially as it was taken up by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics, suggests that material and economic life are no longer separate, that the economy has become a condition of possibility for material life, and is therefore immanent to it. The market as a medium in this regard is dead.<br />
<br />
2) The market can also refer to a physical place where commodities are exchanged, as in a marketplace. This is similar to Mitchell's discussion of the market before the use of the word economy to refer to an object of economic analysis. This market is an inert space where the lives of people and the fruits of the land interact. In this case it is a passive medium through which commodities are exchanged. The message being mediated is the trade between the commodity and money, but the marketplace does not mediate this message. The medium is actually the socially agreed up or legal rules that determine the contract of exchange. It is these rules that construct the space as a market, and it has been proven that exchange can happen without being enclosed in a spatial entity determined to be a marketplace. The market as a spatial entity is dead insofar as merchants and buyers no longer have to go to a physical place to engage in acts of exchange. The contracts determining an act of exchange do not require all parties to be in the same place, and with the internet, parties engaged in an act of exchange to do not have to make contact at the same time. <br />
<br />
It is even necessary to consider the death of exchange, for exchange implies that all parties lose one object (either a commodity or money) and gain another. However, value is now generated from situations of loss and lack, and from the differentials between predicted prices (See section entitled "Investing in Risk" below). '''It may be now be possible to talk about a production of value independent of exchange.''' <br />
<br />
3) The market is also a conceptual category referring to a specific type of commodity that can be bought and sold (i.e., the job market, the stock market). The stipulation is that there has to be more than one seller offering the commodity to at least one buyer. The sellers exist in a market competing for the buyers, who can choose between them. In this case the competitive conditions impact the price. In this way There is argument about whether this type of free market in which prices are determined by supply and demand under conditions of competition is alive or dead. Manuel DeLanda argues that capitalism is an anti-market because price is regulated by factors other than supply and demand in a competitive market; in other words, price is imposed from outside the market (DeLanda, Markets and Antimarkets in the World Economy).<br />
<br />
4) Another meaning for the word market is an aggregate of economic exchange in a given totality, such as "the U.S. market". Mitchell argues that the market in this definition is an object of calculation and analysis, and that therefore the acts of objectification comprise the object we know as the market. According to Mitchell, "the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism" (Mitchell 2007, 7). By this logic, capitalism is a sort of matrix or substrate made of the technical enactment of boundaries between inside and outside. The boundary-making itself is the substance of capitalism. This speaks to McCluhan's famous statement that "the medium is message". In this case the analysis of markets become the condition of possibility for markets, and this condition of possibility is the actual medium. <br />
<br />
The question remains, what message is being mediated here. Mitchell's analysis serves to show that the market is not actually a bounded object, and because of this we can presuppose autonomy for any entities between which the market mediates. The market is no longer a medium.<br />
<br />
== The Market as an Organic Body ==<br />
<br />
In Braudel's definition of the market, his use of the term "economic life" implies that economic activity is alive, or that it is a site where life happens. Timothy Mitchell finds that dominant ideas of the market before the 1930s treated it as an aggregate of life forces, or "individual utilities" (Mitchell 2005, 129). The Malthusian relationship between land fertility and population size comprised the object of analysis as "an organic world of human settlement, agriculture, and the movement of populations, goods, and wealth" (Mitchell 2005, 128). <br />
<br />
Towards the end of the 1800s, the idea of the market as a separate surface began, but it was not yet a "self-contained sphere, imagined as machine whose internal mechanisms and exchanges separate it from other social processes (Mitchell 2005, 128). Rather, "The object of analysis was made up of forces, conceived as individual utilities, that were assumed to be in balance. The site of this mechanical equilibrium was 'the market'.... As a neutral, planar surface, the market of neoclassical economics had no depth, no dynamic structure, no forces of its own, no 'macro' dimension that could be described apart from the individual utilities that moved across it. It was an inert, unmoving space" (Mitchell 2005, 129). In this characterization, the market was not seen as a system. It was rather a space that could be filled with individual energy; this is quite different from the current idea of "the economy" as a thermodynamic system in which the whole exerts force onto each of the parts. In this older conception of the market, the equilibrium of individual forces was not imposed by a greater whole, but seemed to arise naturally. <br />
<br />
Mitchell argues that the term, "economy" was not used in its contemporary sense, as an object of economic analysis, until it was actually taken as an object of economic analysis by econometrics in the 1930s. This was around the same time John Maynard Keynes began to refer to "the economic system as a whole" (Mitchell 2005, 130). Mitchell characterizes econometrics as "the attempt to create a mathematical representation of the entire economic process as a self-contained and dynamic mechanism" (Mitchell 2005, 131). At this point the dynamism of the economy incorporates or subsumes a collection of markets into itself. Economic processes are seen as a totality and it is possible to distinguish between that which is internal and that which is external to this totality. External forces impact the economy, causing "reverberations throughout the internal machine" (Mitchell 2005, 133). <br />
<br />
This notion of the economy as a system seems to persist, but perhaps with an important development. It is still understood as a systemic totality, but the external forces that impact it have been subsumed into the economy (partly through the statistical measurements of aggregates and averages such as gross national product and average spending). It is understood more like an organism than a machine requiring a human laborer. Randy Martin describes this organic model: "An economy could become overheated and melt down or explode. The social sciences more generally were predicated on this image of a closed system. The system adapted to internal strains by growth and differentiation. It maintained boundaries, kept out threatening uncertainties, and externalized unintended consequences from its internal decisions" (Martin, 28-29).<br />
<br />
=== The Death of Equilibrium/Equilibrium as Death ===<br />
<br />
Organic models of systems describe systems as thermodynamic, operating like a thermostat that adjusts to external stimuli, or adapts external stimuli to it, in such a way that the system maintains equilibrium. Business cycle models of the market speak the language of thermodynamics because the market returns to the same stages each time it goes through a cycle. However, some contemporary critiques of capitalism argue that capitalism operates more as a ''state'' of instability than a ''system'' at equilibrium (See Clough 2007). <br />
<br />
Randy Martin looks at this problem of equilibrium/disequilibrium in terms of the financial logic of risk that, he argues, has permeated economic thinking and has defined the subject as an investor. Martin traces the U.S.'s switch from a creditor to a debtor nation in the 1980s, when the nation began to operate through consumption without production. During this time risk became a sign of strength and power and the need for stability was a sign of weakness, now associated with the third world (Martin, 28). Being in debt, which used to be a sign of weakness, became a source of value. Debt is repackaged into securities. <br />
<br />
Beginning in the late 1970s after the U.S. dollar was delinked from the gold standard, "monetary movement was being freed to spread the wealth. Equilibrium-- key to Bretton Woods and early monetarist currency controls-- was no longer a condition of exchange. The dollar's spread, the expansion of debt and speculation, fostered disequilibrium and its attendant risks as a new horizon of opportunity. Fixing exchange to a physical standard perpetuated the image of the economy as a closed system. It could grow in proportion to the balance of inputs and outputs" (Martin, 29). According to Martin, money's attachment to the gold standard provided a kind of mystification that had a performative function; it created a "system-based moral and political economy" that was then overtaken by financial reason: in Martin's words, "when the investor who knows no country elbowed out the consumer-citizen of the nation-state, the organic closed system, result of the social sciences' unacknowledged metaphorizing of the social, was morphing into a different kind of beast" (Martin, 29). The a delinking of the subject from the nation-state goes hand-in-hand with the advent of the investor, who is a self-managing risk-taker. <br />
<br />
Within this finance economy, speculation is the only way to thrive economically, and speculation relies on both present and future instability and unpredictability (for more on unpredictability, see Clough). It is the very lack of predictability of capitalism that makes speculation such a profitable game; if the economy were truly predictable, than there would be no competition for correct guesses and measurements, and a securities package would not be a commodity.<br />
<br />
== New Encodings ==<br />
<br />
A capitalist market needs to have what Timothy Mitchell calls an "apparatus of representation" in order to convert material into abstract capital. He argues that failing capitalist economies differ from their succeeding counterparts because of how their wealth is held, not because of how much wealth they have. It is a matter of coding material into a symbolic system: "Representations of material goods transform their value into abstract forms, which can live an 'invisible, parallel life' alongside their physical existence. The West has invented procedures to create these invisible forms. Individuals in the West can unlock the assets accumulated in physical property, transforming material wealth into abstract capital" (Mitchell 2007, 9). <br />
<br />
Evidence of this claim lies in how markets and nonmarkets are distinguished by economists: "...in describing what this nonmarket world lacks, neoclassical economics tends to diagnose its defects as an absence of techniques of representation. Things are stuck outside the market because they are not properly represented-- by property records, prices, or other systems of reference. What economic analysis does, however, is not to represent what was previously unrepresented, but to try and reorganize the circulation and control of representations" (Mitchell 2007, 7). This circulation of representations is not only happening in the realm of the social sciences, but is an economic circulation. In fact, a derivative can be described as a packaged representation of a fluctuation in price that can be bought and sold as a commodity. This exemplifies the way in which value is generated by coding, not merely by quantities of material wealth. <br />
<br />
=== Coding of Risk, Instability ===<br />
<br />
How to understand market activity after the traditional market dies. Instead of coding commodities as valuable (Mitchell, 2007), Randy Martin argues that capitalism is following a financial logic, which extracts value from predicting future price fluctuations, interest rates, exchange rates, and packages this risk into new kinds of commodities, such as derivatives and securities.<br />
<br />
"Properly ascertained risk, not growth per se, is what yields rewards. The trade in risk avoidance devolves into a profit on risk itself" (Martin, 33).==== Futurity in the Present ====<br />
<br />
Another way to probe this idea of the death of the market as a system at equilibrium is to think about the non-linear time made possible by predictions. As Martin illustrates in his discussion of derivatives, Branding: "In its infinite differentiation of product ranges, branding plays with a combination of familiarity plus novelty, a ''past-futurity''. New memories installed that you have not phenomenologically experienced in order to produce a certain receptivity to brand triggers" (Parisi and Goodman, 2006).<br />
<br />
<br />
==== Derivatives ====<br />
<br />
A derivative is a contract on "some variation in price" (Martin, 31). EXAMPLE: "a firm selling a product overseas that will not be deliverable for several years will create a contract to fix currency exchange rates for the time when the product is finished. The expected difference between current and future exchange rates can then be sold as a separate commodity" (Martin, 31). "A similar contract could hedge against a change in interest rates, or the price of raw materials, or delivery costs" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
<br />
"Derivatives remove reference from the commodity. They allow debt to serve as a productive medium from which countless commodities can be spawned. Derivatives are promissory notes issued between firms. They represent a prime vehicle with which industrial corporations undertake the function of banks by engaging in financial services." (Martin, 31)<br />
<br />
"The derivative is a sign of the shift in the beneficiaries of development from populations or nations to other economic actors. Those who can steward risk will advance....The capacity for financial decision making trumps democratic involvement to decide political representation" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
==== Securities ====<br />
<br />
<br />
Spatial Representation''':<br />
<br />
The purpose of any space is determined by both the symbols used to<br />
designate where one is (ie an open for business sign), and the<br />
practices that take place there. In "Learning From Las Vegas," Robert<br />
Venturi takes a close look at how the Vegas Strip (in the late 60's)<br />
consisted of buildings that were differentiated primarily by flashy<br />
signs decorating unoriginal buildings (what he called the "decorated<br />
shed." He traced the phenomenon to the impact of speed on<br />
architecture - mainly that in a landscape where one drives past<br />
buildings, signs enable one to differentiate one space from another at<br />
a faster speed than differentiated architectures could (which is why<br />
signs matter so much for businesses on highways).<br />
<br />
What makes this so interesting is that when semiotics are reintroduced<br />
into architecture, communicating the specific use of a generic space,<br />
buildings enter a mediated realm - And I think that's key here - that<br />
when people believe they're in a market when they see a "market" sign,<br />
it enables the use of a spatial semiotic to successfully mediate the<br />
entire space provided that the same activity occurs - which is really<br />
just to say that the Las Vegas strip is this intermediate phenomenon<br />
whereby we all can find what we want in foreign places, and that's<br />
precisely the mechanism by which we can create a market without the<br />
actual space of a market (a shopping cart icon does the trick!).<br />
<br />
'''Immanent Representation''':<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
Braudel, Fernand. 1982. The wheels of commerce. New York: Harper & Row.<br />
<br />
Buck-Morss, Susan. Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display. Critical Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter, 1995), pp. 434-467. The University of Chicago Press<br />
<br />
Clough, Patricia, et. al. 2007. Notes Towards a Theory of Affect Itself. ''ephemera: theory and politics in organization''. 7(1):60-77.<br />
<br />
Jameson Fredric, “Culture and Finance Capital,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1, (1997 ), pp. 246-265. <br />
<br />
Martin, Randy. 2007. And Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management. Durham and London: Duke University Press.<br />
<br />
Massumi, Brian. The Future Birth of the Affective Fact. DATE JOURNAL<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. 2005. Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century. ''The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences: Positivism and its Epistemological Others'', edited by George Steinmetz.<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. [From an early version of the following paper.] 2007. The Properties of Markets. ''Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics''. Edited by Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />
<br />
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Braudel on Capitalism, or Everything Upside Down” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 2, A Special Issue on Modern France (Jun., 1991), pp. 354-361</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=The_Market&diff=4643The Market2008-04-16T18:50:21Z<p>Samhan: /* Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Image:Shopping Cart.jpg]]<br />
<br />
In this dossier's engagement with the intersection of the built and mediated environment, we interpret Marshall McLuhan's argument that the remediation process whereby one medium survives as the content of another is the preservation of a distinct ''function'' in the midst of informatic and material transformation. This is not to suggest any predetermined trajectory of cultural obsolescence whereby a pre-existing function is stripped of cultural obstacles in its way, but rather to note that, ''in hindsight, content's transformative mechanism of appropriation enables us to examine behavioral systems, and the environment that housed them, as dead media,'' and that such dead media provide insights into a story of the concentration and distillation of culture into the symbolic content of later media which house cultural remains. <br />
<br />
Within the larger discussion of critical techniques this Archive attempts to employ, this dossier might also best be understood as an attempt to bridge our understanding of the isolation of <br />
medium from message (in the Hermes model) with our understanding of the communicative properties of materials which exhibit no such fragmentation (in the Iris model), as well as the rhizomatic, independent, message function that, in its ubiquitous employabilty, conforms to no specific medium (the Furies model). Far from suggesting an evolutionary hierarchy towards the immaterial, the market may, however, provide deeper insights into our understanding of the remediating processes at work in each of the three. <br />
<br />
We trace the process whereby the concentration of trading behavior and its eventual standardization was enabled by its enclosure in the space of the market, and the processes whereby this concentration separated market activity from a distinct built environment, isolating a function which is non-physical and anticipates the remediation of the market in the scripting content of immaterial spaces. Although we make no attempt to argue that physical market sites no longer exist, we do attempt to expose the informatic and material shifts that have obsolesced such physical environments, rendering the built environments that remain stages which serve a social function that is, in itself, a commodity. We identify the legacy of this fragmentation in the built environment and in the spaces which now bear witness to the market function in unexpected forms, yet we hope that future contributions will enrich and complicate the conceptual and mediatic transformations that accompanied the resurrection of symbolism in architecture.<br />
<br />
[[Image:Colourful shopping carts.jpg|thumb|right| What was once a spatial locality with a distinct form and use is now pure function with no distinct materiality]] [[Image:TUR1491SpiceBazaar.jpg]] <br />
<br />
=The History of Exchange= <br />
<br />
<br />
==The Market in Capitalism==<br />
<br />
===What is a market?===<br />
1.All of types of exchange that go beyond self-sufficiency, of all the wheels of trade, large and small, that we have described, of all the categories relating to trading areas (urban market, national market) or to a given product (the market in sugar, precious metals, spices etc.). In this sense the word is the equivalent of exchange, circulation and distribution. <br />
<br />
2.Large broad form of exchange, also known as market economy. <br />
<br />
To posit a pre-“anything” is to argue an implicit periodization of a concept. And undoubtedly, to suggest that there was a mode of representation or media such as “the market” so entrenched within the cultural values and practices of capitalism that preceded it, would also then require some explaining. Thankfully, in this task, we follow historian Fernand Braudel, who has undertaken massive volumes of study in this area. The trajectory of Braudel’s project, in line with his Annales colleagues more generally, is to provide a historiography of capitalism does not reify the very object of analysis—the ever-expanding, seemingly amoebic process called capitalism, which Marx himself referred to as comparable to “queer things abounding.” The danger would be to overlook how the market embodies the shifting historic-economic transition from merchant to industrial to finance capitalism. <br />
<br />
With respect to Marx and the present study at hand, it could be argued that Marx dealt the strongest blow the concept of the market as a fixed, spatial location of exchange; so why even proceed? Well, indeed, “the market” as a spatial category very much plays a large part in various spheres of life, most pressingly the cultural, social and political. Moreover, many scholars, Frederic Jameson most famously, have even suggested that the economic has fallen to the level of culture (See Jameson). In such arguments, there is an assumed de-differentiation of previously separate spheres. The guiding question in this section will be (roughly): How did the market become differentiated in the first place? <br />
<br />
==The Market as Interface of Digital and Analog==<br />
Braudel makes a distinction between “material life” and “economic life,” suggesting that the market, stalls and shops form a discontinuous contact surface between the two. By “material life” he means the most elementary, autarkic societies and by “economic life” he means commerce, currencies, and exchanges (Braudel, 21). Hence, the market is a medium in the sense that it translates the “non-economy, imprisoned within self-sufficiency” to the level of “exchange-“or “market-value.” The discontinuity, for Braudel, is clearly rooted his positing some sort of non-economy that precedes full-blown capitalism. In other words, Braudel envisions precapitalist market as being discontinuous and spontaneous whereas the “true capitalist” market becomes continuous and permanently reified as “the market.” Is this distinction between discontinuity and continuity also that of digital and analog? Here, it can be argued that Braudel’s point is a bit nostalgic. That is to say, that Braudel’s overarching project to delink what he calls “economic life” from capitalism, which he sometimes refers to as “true capitalism”(Wallerstein, 354) necessitates a level of fixity in what he calls a market (as opposed to anti-market). Immanuel Wallerstein helps us understand this part of Braudel very clearly. He suggests that that Braudel makes a clear distinction between “economic life” and “material life.” Economic life moves out of the unconscious routine of the daily life towards a more conscious and active process of the division of labor (Wallerstein, 355). Framed within admittedly fraught distinction between continuous/discontinuous, we can suggest that for Braudel the material life is analog; hence unconscious, though nevertheless full of regularities. Economic life, that is “true capitalist” life, is too then perceivably analog as it is an instrumental, goal-oriented activity of production bounded in the smoothness of consciousness. But indeed, the market is that which interfaces and mediates the economic life into material life. In addition, Wallerstein suggests that Braudel sees that market economy as transparent, whereas material life (below) and economic life (above) are shadowy and opaque, in contrast. However, the zone above, on the other hand, (the economy) the zone of capitalism, was opaque, in this case because capitalists wanted it so. It was a zone in which “certain groups of privileged actors were engaged in circuits and calculations that ordinary people knew nothing of” (Braudel as quoted in Wallerstein, 355). Thus, in this mediation, there is a “blackboxing” of the guts of exchange. The market economy (or the antimarket) does not show the immanent negotiation of the market transaction, and indeed the fixing of the market-price. Price control, which Susan Buck-Morss rightly notes becomes the representational bottom-line of the market (Buck-Morss, 463). <br />
<br />
(The specific definition of the market is rendered even in the layout of the three volumes of Braudel’s Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century.) Against Polanyi, he argues that “the market” as a vital component of the “market economy” is a consolidation, rationalization and even remediation of practices or instruments of exchange, which existed centuries prior to the 15th century, when we see the emergence of the ordinary market (e.g., the farmer’s market). The farmer’s market is characterized by what Braudel labels “immediate exchange,” describing it as such: “goods are sold on the spot, the purchases are taken and paid for there and then. Credit is hardly used…”(Ibid., 29). Immediate exchange had been practiced centuries or millennia before in ancient Greece, classical China, the Americas (Aztecs) and all over Africa. <br />
<br />
==Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange==<br />
In the 15th century, markets were held twice a week in towns and urban centers in theory only. Especially in cities such as Paris, markets were held daily. The twice-a-week rule was not so much an effect of regulation but of necessity, as the surrounding countryside needed time to supply them. During the 17th century, the shift from being held in between town and countryside to being held at the heart of towns, usually in the town squares. As towns continued to grow in size, so did the markets, to the point where the tiny town squares could no longer accommodate the number of vendors coming to sell their goods. Here are Braudel’s words: “And since they [markets] represented modernity on the march, their growth allowed no obstacle to bar their way: they could with impunity impose on their surroundings their congestion, their rubbish and their obstinate gatherings of people” (Braudel, 31). The solution adopted was that of banishing them to the outskirts of town. However, as a reaction against this measure, markets would appear as open spaces would open up, especially seasonally with the freezing over of rivers, on which goods could be brought back and forth via sled. Braudel recounts two such examples—Moscow’s Moscova river and London’s Thames. The latter is most famously represented in the adjoining engraving. <br />
[[Image:FaironThames.jpg|thumb|right|Fair on Thames 1683]]<br />
<br />
===Enclosing and Encoding the Market===<br />
Markets existed in very ancient times within a single village or group of villages—the market being a sort of itinerant village, as the fair was a sort of traveling town. But the decisive step in this long history was taken when the town appropriated these little markets. It absorbed them and inflated them to its own dimensions, in return having to accept the demands they made on it. <br />
<br />
The urban markets may have been invented by the Phoenicians. The Greek city-states had a market on the agora. The proliferation of markets beyond the town squares elicited a response by towns to take regulatory measures, the most significant of which was the construction of covered markets (halls or halles), at times surrounded by open-air markets (Braudel, 33). In the 16th century, the towns and cities of England saw a series of markethalls with different names spring up, often at the experience of a wealthy local merchant disposed to be generous. The word halle could mean several things then, from a simple covered market to the mighty buildings and complicated organizations of the Halles which were from a very early date ‘the belly of Paris.’ What is of note is that these were mostly permanent and specialized. London, for example, by 1660, halls had “full-time employees, and a whole complicated administration” (Braudel, 33). The Halles was a huge combination of covered spaces and open spaces, its pillars holding up the arcades of neighboring houses, and surrounded by a bustling commercial life on the fringes of the central market, taking advantage of the disorder and sprawl and creating more of both to its own profit. Additionally, it marked the beginning of the usage of the term “market” as associated with a specific good such as “labor market.” Though it seems like a minor detail in the history of commerce, the covering of markets, we would argue, is a major turning-point or "break boundary" as "the system generated by the artifact suddenly changes into another or passes some point of no return in its dynamic processes" (quoted from Critical Techniques page). Once markets were covered and centralized, we see that the political interventions on markets would follow to delimit the contingent and spontaneous nature of markets. <br />
<br />
[[Image:Markettownsinwales.jpg|thumb|right| 800 Market Towns in England/Wales 1500-1640]]<br />
With the springing of markets all over various cities, towns began to intervene, once again, through spatial restrictions. London, again, provides a very enlightening example for Braudel. With the London market came the dislocation of the traditional market (public, nothing could be concealed), producer-vendor and buyer-consumer meet face to face. The distance between the two was becoming too great to be traveled by ordinary people. The merchant, or middleman, had already, from at least the thirteenth century, made his appearance in England, as a go-between for town and country, in particular in the corn trade. Gradually, chains of intermediaries were set up between producer and merchant on one hand, and between merchant and retailer on the other; along these chains passed the bulk of the trade in butter, cheese, poultry produce, fruit, vegetables and milk (Braudel, 42). Moreover, beyond goods of produce and industry (mostly crafts), land also became traded on the market. The market is then, in turn, a coterminous concept with “commodity,” as it becomes a facilitating medium for commodities. It becomes the connection, or encoding interface by which the commodity could be transformed from use-value to exchange-value. By encoding, I mean to suggest that the market becomes part of the grammar of commodities in market capitalism. How this functions I would argue is that the market becomes the system of rationality that is able to bring within a bounded geographical and symbolic system, effectively doing away with the barter system of mercantilism, and instating a mode of representation with its unit of measurement being the commodity. After it is enclosed and encoded, the market becomes the sole means by which to exchange, thus acting as a formal prohibition for all economic activity. Markets become the dominant economic media. <br />
The market then is the condition of possibility for commodities, but “the null point of social community (Buck-Morss, 437). Susan Buck-Morss goes so far as to argue that the market then elicits a certain mode of subjectivity that undergirds the market and commodity—the economic actor that is a, harkening back to the Freudian theory of human as a “bundle of instincts,” a “bounded rationality” (Buck-Morss, 466). Bounded rationality for Buck-Morss, is indicative of the effects of market-encoding or market-modeling that points towards the “depersonalization of exchange” (Buck-Morss, 437).<br />
<br />
=Theatricality in the creation of a consuming subject=<br />
<br />
Although there is much disagreement as to when consumer culture emerged fully formed, it is clear that the social transformation that accompanied its arrival required an unprecedented effort to pursuade individuals to consume as a way of life. The combined forces of advertising, branding and strategic exhibition of foreign objects, colluded in an elaborate performance which sought to embed curiosity in consuming subjects eager to witness the magic of a marketplace disrupting traditional social fabric. Although<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=Semiotics in the Liberation of Function from Form=<br />
[[Image:Monument.jpg|right|thumb|Robert Venturi's "Recommendation for a monument" from [[Learning From Las Vegas]], 1972]]<br />
<br />
<br />
''... ours is not the environment for heroic communication through pure architecture. Each medium has its day, and the rhetorical environmental statements of our time – civic, commercial, or residential – will come from media more purely symbolic, perhaps less static and more adaptable to the scale of our environment. The iconography and mixed media of roadside commercial architecture will point the way if we will look. Housing for the elderly on the Oak Street Connector, if it had to be a monument, would have been more economical, socially responsible and amenable as a conventional apartment building,lost by the side of the expressway, with a big sign on top blinking, I AM A MONUMENT. Decoration is cheaper. <br />
<br />
- Robert Venturi,"Learning From Las Vegas," 1972''<br />
<br />
<br />
----<br />
[[Image:Vegas strip.jpg|thumb|right|The Upper Strip Looking North]]<br />
[[Image:Normal wedding-chapel-las-vegas.jpg|thumb|right|A Vegas chapel: function legitimated through semiotics]]<br />
<br />
When Robert Venturi looked to the vernacular architecture on the Las Vegas strip in the late 1960's, he saw a resurrection of symbolism in the built environment that had seemed destined for extinction in the wake of architectural modernism. Whereas the Bauhaus' legacy in modernism had stripped buildings of ornament in an attempt to unify form with function, Venturi was amazed to find a Las Vegas strip dotted with generic buildings differentiated only by elaborate ornamental signs designating the unique functions and identities of otherwise identical spaces. <br />
<br />
The Vegas strip not only violated a progression away from decoration (which led many to credit Venturi's text as the first postmodern architectural manifesto) but brought more clearly into focus the impact of the automobile upon architecture that needed to be identified from greater distances over shorter durations of time. Whereas the heroic communication of pure architecture had in the past led to forms and facades which - albeit imperfectly - communicated the activities contained within them, Venturi noted that in a land of highways and commercial strips the same system of (road) signs that enabled standardized navigation of an entire continent also enabled a faster recognition of the buildings and spaces one passed by. The vital necessity of introducing semiotic distinctions between buildings exemplified the spatial distortions that accompany accelerated movement and the distribution of communities across expanding territories.<br />
<br />
Whereas the built environment brought countless aspects of human activity into existence by anchoring them in physical space, what Venturi exposed was the cultural appropriation of semiotic systems to designate spaces whose distinctive architecture had not yet been invented. In his iconic “Recommendation for a monument” his sarcastic suggestion that decoration upon generic form was the most ethical and economic method of design, exposed the complete lack of subtlety in designs that managed to serve specific functions in the absence of architectural innovation. Rather than create a home for new human activity, it was clear that one need only name a space in order for it to serve a specific function. Although modular, multipurpose, space had been realized long ago behind the glass curtain walls of modern skyscapers, after 1972, one could not escape the vulgar conclusion that the space itself was a nostalgic theatre enabling the suspension of disbelief which designated the offices of one box from the warehouse or monument of another.<br />
<br />
In essence, symbolism had invaded space rendering residual communicative modalities in architectural form (the steeple, the column, the storefront) which directed activities within them unnecessary. In a traditional town one might recognize a church by a steeple, and civic institutions by classical architecture – but in Las Vegas one needed only to read a sign that read “CHAPEL” and a marriage could be performed. Resistance to the glass curtain and the modernist box need not be overcome by a radical re-education of a public in modernist aesthetics, but by the complete removal of ambiguity through the ultimate abstraction of the sign. Buildings had entered a realm of mediation, and the Las Vegas strip presented an intermediate phenomenon whereby one could could navigate a foreign landscape and locate a desired service or commodity in spite of all unfamiliarity with the landscape itself. <br />
<br />
Venturi's Monument, like a Vegas chapel, anticipates the remediation of spatial phenomena in immaterial spaces and illustrates that function itself is not material, but something performed by actors engaged in a collective fiction. Once it was plainly clear that all the world was a stage, it followed that with the proper, scripting, semiotic device, the market no longer needed to be a specific locality in order to function as a market.<br />
----<br />
<br />
= Market as Stage: A comparison of three Stock Markets=<br />
<br />
NASDAQ [[Image:Nasdaq0952.jpg|thumb|right|NASDAQ's only physical manifestations are purely symbolic, they fully realize Venturi's conception of an alternative medium housing the functions that previously required a complex and unique architecture]]<br />
<br />
On February 8, 1971, a year prior to Venturi's publication of "Learning From Las Vegas," the world witnessed the birth of the first purely electronic stock market, NASDAQ. In contrast to traditional stock markets, NASDAQ's elimination of a trading floor helped to minimize the spread between the bid price and the ask price of a stock through it's computer bulletin board system. Although the market initially did not connect buyers and sellers directly, it presented a successor to over-the-counter finance and introduced a market function that did not depend on person to person trade. NASDAQ initially relied upon the use of telephones to connect buyers, brokers and sellers, yet currently relies upon electronic communication networks. As the world's largest stock market, in terms of companies listed and trades per day, NASDAQ is a functioning market without the spatial enclosure of a market, a product of the information age, and a phenomenon which illuminates the theatrical gestures elsewhere to preserve and exhibit a non-essential spatiality.<br />
<br />
The New York Stock Exchange [[Image:TRADING floor 042007.jpg|thumb|right|Chaos on the NYSE trading floor constitutes genuine trading activity kept alive through the hybrid market's "cake mix effect"]]<br />
<br />
Although the New York Stock exchange no longer engages in over-the-counter trading, its trading floor is a bustling theatre of trading activity. The floor itself might be seen as an obsolescent inefficiency, yet it is worth noting that in dollar volume, the NYSE remains a larger market than the NASDAQ despite having less listings. The NYSE is called a hybrid market because customers are given the choice of whether to send orders for immediate electronic execution or whether to submit an order to the trading floor for trading in the auction market. The preservation of human interaction on the floor itself seems to embody a nostalgia inherent in "the cake mix effect" whereby the efficiency of a sequence is interrupted by redundant steps as a defense from the obsolescence of a sequence understood to have cultural value. The floor is a tradition that is alive and well, yet this phenomenon eludes the mere prerequisite of market function, effectively defending a culture whose continued presence preserves an illusion that the market is still a market.<br />
<br />
<br />
The Shanghai Stock Exchange [[Image:Xin 09020401155645001043.jpg|thumb|right|The empty trading floor in Shanghai]]<br />
<br />
In perhaps the most bizarre isolation of medium from message at a time when the space of a trading floor is obsolescent, the Shanghai Stock Exchange, though entirely electronic like NASDAQ, has a trading floor which serves no market function in performance or otherwise. As a relatively new market, the physicality of a trading floor lends authority to the electronic transactions which occur in reference to it, yet it simultaneously sits as the vacant theatre of a performance which never took place. Whereas the NYSE might be understood as a monument to trading which lays claim to cultural capital and ensures continued longevity, the Shanghai Stock Exchange physical existence seems in contrast to be legitimizing a market dependent upon foreign investors that equate the physical market with a "real" market worthy of investment. The market extends Robert Venturi's visual joke into unexpected territory, announcing "I AM A MARKET" in spite of foreign anxieties which might argue otherwise.<br />
<br />
= The Market as an Object of Representation and Modeling=<br />
This section will look at how the market as an object was subsumed by "the economy," following Timothy Mitchell's argument in his article, "Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century". Mitchell argues that the objectification of the market and the economy is accomplished by economic, econometric, and governmental attempts to keep track of monetary exchange. In other words, measurements of the market serve to constitute the object they seek to measure (Mitchell 2005). Following Mitchell's argument and drawing from Randy Martin's book, ''An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management'', we propose that the death of the market as a media object was accomplished by the same process that made it; measurements of market activity become the condition of possibility for this activity in such a way that measuring and regulatory acts become immanent to actual commodities. Commodities now no longer need the frame of the market to act as a structure, providing the affordances and prohibitions of exchange. Now these regulatory/technical capacities are embedded in commodities such as derivatives and securities, as Randy Martin demonstrates.<br />
<br />
== The Market as a Medium ==<br />
<br />
In addition to asking how the market comes to be an object, it is relevant for this project to ask, to what extent can the market be characterized as a medium? And, insofar as it is a medium, to what extent can the market be characterized as a dead medium?<br />
<br />
In order to answer these questions, one must consider different definitions and uses of the word, market.<br />
<br />
1) Fernand Braudel defines the market as that which mediates between material life and economic life. This understanding is obsolete because the possibility of mediation requires a prior separation between the two entities--in this case material and economic life--being mediated. A Marxist reading of capitalism, especially as it was taken up by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics, suggests that material and economic life are no longer separate, that the economy has become a condition of possibility for material life, and is therefore immanent to it. The market as a medium in this regard is dead.<br />
<br />
2) The market can also refer to a physical place where commodities are exchanged, as in a marketplace. This is similar to Mitchell's discussion of the market before the use of the word economy to refer to an object of economic analysis. This market is an inert space where the lives of people and the fruits of the land interact. In this case it is a passive medium through which commodities are exchanged. The message being mediated is the trade between the commodity and money, but the marketplace does not mediate this message. The medium is actually the socially agreed up or legal rules that determine the contract of exchange. It is these rules that construct the space as a market, and it has been proven that exchange can happen without being enclosed in a spatial entity determined to be a marketplace. The market as a spatial entity is dead insofar as merchants and buyers no longer have to go to a physical place to engage in acts of exchange. The contracts determining an act of exchange do not require all parties to be in the same place, and with the internet, parties engaged in an act of exchange to do not have to make contact at the same time. <br />
<br />
It is even necessary to consider the death of exchange, for exchange implies that all parties lose one object (either a commodity or money) and gain another. However, value is now generated from situations of loss and lack, and from the differentials between predicted prices (See section entitled "Investing in Risk" below). '''It may be now be possible to talk about a production of value independent of exchange.''' <br />
<br />
3) The market is also a conceptual category referring to a specific type of commodity that can be bought and sold (i.e., the job market, the stock market). The stipulation is that there has to be more than one seller offering the commodity to at least one buyer. The sellers exist in a market competing for the buyers, who can choose between them. In this case the competitive conditions impact the price. In this way There is argument about whether this type of free market in which prices are determined by supply and demand under conditions of competition is alive or dead. Manuel DeLanda argues that capitalism is an anti-market because price is regulated by factors other than supply and demand in a competitive market; in other words, price is imposed from outside the market (DeLanda, Markets and Antimarkets in the World Economy).<br />
<br />
4) Another meaning for the word market is an aggregate of economic exchange in a given totality, such as "the U.S. market". Mitchell argues that the market in this definition is an object of calculation and analysis, and that therefore the acts of objectification comprise the object we know as the market. According to Mitchell, "the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism" (Mitchell 2007, 7). By this logic, capitalism is a sort of matrix or substrate made of the technical enactment of boundaries between inside and outside. The boundary-making itself is the substance of capitalism. This speaks to McCluhan's famous statement that "the medium is message". In this case the analysis of markets become the condition of possibility for markets, and this condition of possibility is the actual medium. <br />
<br />
The question remains, what message is being mediated here. Mitchell's analysis serves to show that the market is not actually a bounded object, and because of this we can presuppose autonomy for any entities between which the market mediates. The market is no longer a medium.<br />
<br />
== The Market as an Organic Body ==<br />
<br />
In Braudel's definition of the market, his use of the term "economic life" implies that economic activity is alive, or that it is a site where life happens. Timothy Mitchell finds that dominant ideas of the market before the 1930s treated it as an aggregate of life forces, or "individual utilities" (Mitchell 2005, 129). The Malthusian relationship between land fertility and population size comprised the object of analysis as "an organic world of human settlement, agriculture, and the movement of populations, goods, and wealth" (Mitchell 2005, 128). <br />
<br />
Towards the end of the 1800s, the idea of the market as a separate surface began, but it was not yet a "self-contained sphere, imagined as machine whose internal mechanisms and exchanges separate it from other social processes (Mitchell 2005, 128). Rather, "The object of analysis was made up of forces, conceived as individual utilities, that were assumed to be in balance. The site of this mechanical equilibrium was 'the market'.... As a neutral, planar surface, the market of neoclassical economics had no depth, no dynamic structure, no forces of its own, no 'macro' dimension that could be described apart from the individual utilities that moved across it. It was an inert, unmoving space" (Mitchell 2005, 129). In this characterization, the market was not seen as a system. It was rather a space that could be filled with individual energy; this is quite different from the current idea of "the economy" as a thermodynamic system in which the whole exerts force onto each of the parts. In this older conception of the market, the equilibrium of individual forces was not imposed by a greater whole, but seemed to arise naturally. <br />
<br />
Mitchell argues that the term, "economy" was not used in its contemporary sense, as an object of economic analysis, until it was actually taken as an object of economic analysis by econometrics in the 1930s. This was around the same time John Maynard Keynes began to refer to "the economic system as a whole" (Mitchell 2005, 130). Mitchell characterizes econometrics as "the attempt to create a mathematical representation of the entire economic process as a self-contained and dynamic mechanism" (Mitchell 2005, 131). At this point the dynamism of the economy incorporates or subsumes a collection of markets into itself. Economic processes are seen as a totality and it is possible to distinguish between that which is internal and that which is external to this totality. External forces impact the economy, causing "reverberations throughout the internal machine" (Mitchell 2005, 133). <br />
<br />
This notion of the economy as a system seems to persist, but perhaps with an important development. It is still understood as a systemic totality, but the external forces that impact it have been subsumed into the economy (partly through the statistical measurements of aggregates and averages such as gross national product and average spending). It is understood more like an organism than a machine requiring a human laborer. Randy Martin describes this organic model: "An economy could become overheated and melt down or explode. The social sciences more generally were predicated on this image of a closed system. The system adapted to internal strains by growth and differentiation. It maintained boundaries, kept out threatening uncertainties, and externalized unintended consequences from its internal decisions" (Martin, 28-29).<br />
<br />
=== The Death of Equilibrium/Equilibrium as Death ===<br />
<br />
Organic models of systems describe systems as thermodynamic, operating like a thermostat that adjusts to external stimuli, or adapts external stimuli to it, in such a way that the system maintains equilibrium. Business cycle models of the market speak the language of thermodynamics because the market returns to the same stages each time it goes through a cycle. However, some contemporary critiques of capitalism argue that capitalism operates more as a ''state'' of instability than a ''system'' at equilibrium (See Clough 2007). <br />
<br />
Randy Martin looks at this problem of equilibrium/disequilibrium in terms of the financial logic of risk that, he argues, has permeated economic thinking and has defined the subject as an investor. Martin traces the U.S.'s switch from a creditor to a debtor nation in the 1980s, when the nation began to operate through consumption without production. During this time risk became a sign of strength and power and the need for stability was a sign of weakness, now associated with the third world (Martin, 28). Being in debt, which used to be a sign of weakness, became a source of value. Debt is repackaged into securities. <br />
<br />
Beginning in the late 1970s after the U.S. dollar was delinked from the gold standard, "monetary movement was being freed to spread the wealth. Equilibrium-- key to Bretton Woods and early monetarist currency controls-- was no longer a condition of exchange. The dollar's spread, the expansion of debt and speculation, fostered disequilibrium and its attendant risks as a new horizon of opportunity. Fixing exchange to a physical standard perpetuated the image of the economy as a closed system. It could grow in proportion to the balance of inputs and outputs" (Martin, 29). According to Martin, money's attachment to the gold standard provided a kind of mystification that had a performative function; it created a "system-based moral and political economy" that was then overtaken by financial reason: in Martin's words, "when the investor who knows no country elbowed out the consumer-citizen of the nation-state, the organic closed system, result of the social sciences' unacknowledged metaphorizing of the social, was morphing into a different kind of beast" (Martin, 29). The a delinking of the subject from the nation-state goes hand-in-hand with the advent of the investor, who is a self-managing risk-taker. <br />
<br />
Within this finance economy, speculation is the only way to thrive economically, and speculation relies on both present and future instability and unpredictability (for more on unpredictability, see Clough). It is the very lack of predictability of capitalism that makes speculation such a profitable game; if the economy were truly predictable, than there would be no competition for correct guesses and measurements, and a securities package would not be a commodity.<br />
<br />
=== Coding of Risk, Instability ===<br />
<br />
How to understand market activity after the traditional market dies. Instead of coding commodities as valuable (Mitchell, 2007), Randy Martin argues that capitalism is following a financial logic, which extracts value from predicting future price fluctuations, interest rates, exchange rates, and packages this risk into new kinds of commodities, such as derivatives and securities.<br />
<br />
"Properly ascertained risk, not growth per se, is what yields rewards. The trade in risk avoidance devolves into a profit on risk itself" (Martin, 33).==== Futurity in the Present ====<br />
<br />
Another way to probe this idea of the death of the market as a system at equilibrium is to think about the non-linear time made possible by predictions. As Martin illustrates in his discussion of derivatives, Branding: "In its infinite differentiation of product ranges, branding plays with a combination of familiarity plus novelty, a ''past-futurity''. New memories installed that you have not phenomenologically experienced in order to produce a certain receptivity to brand triggers" (Parisi and Goodman, 2006).<br />
<br />
<br />
==== Derivatives ====<br />
<br />
A derivative is a contract on "some variation in price" (Martin, 31). EXAMPLE: "a firm selling a product overseas that will not be deliverable for several years will create a contract to fix currency exchange rates for the time when the product is finished. The expected difference between current and future exchange rates can then be sold as a separate commodity" (Martin, 31). "A similar contract could hedge against a change in interest rates, or the price of raw materials, or delivery costs" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
<br />
"Derivatives remove reference from the commodity. They allow debt to serve as a productive medium from which countless commodities can be spawned. Derivatives are promissory notes issued between firms. They represent a prime vehicle with which industrial corporations undertake the function of banks by engaging in financial services." (Martin, 31)<br />
<br />
"The derivative is a sign of the shift in the beneficiaries of development from populations or nations to other economic actors. Those who can steward risk will advance....The capacity for financial decision making trumps democratic involvement to decide political representation" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
==== Securities ====<br />
<br />
== Modes of Representation ==<br />
<br />
'''Economic Representation''': Timothy Mitchell talks about the economy as an object, an entity, that was constructed by studies of it and attempts to regulate it. This process of regulation sounds like it should be outside of economic activity, but he is saying that it constitutes economic activity. The economy is an object of economics, econometrics, government regulation, etc. In other words, it is an object of calculation and restriction. <br />
<br />
A capitalist market needs to have what Timothy Mitchell calls an "apparatus of representation" in order to convert material into abstract capital. Mitchell, Markets, 9: Characterizing de Soto's argument: "The most important difference between successful capitalist economies and the rest of the world lies not in the wealth they possess... but in how that wealth is held." "Representations of material goods transform their value into abstract forms, which can live an 'invisible, parallel life' alongside their physical existnece. The West has invented procedures to create these invisible forms. Individuals in the West can unlock the assets accumulated in physical property, transforming material wealth into abstract capital" (Mitchell, 2006, 9).<br />
<br />
In the 1930s the term "the economy" began to represent an economic whole that included and coordinated markets into one coherent system, delineated by national boundaries.Mitchell, Economists, 126: Mitchell argues that, "...the economy became the object of economic knowledge only quite recently. Not until the 1930s did economists begin to write about an object called the economy, and only by the middle of the century was the term as it is understood today in general use. Second, 'economy' was not just a new word for an existing sphere or underlying substance; its arrival marked the emergence of novel forms of sociotechnical practice that formed and performed the economy as a new object of professional knowledge and political practice."<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 1-2: "Markets would not work if people were not allowed to exclude things, to leave certain costs or claims out of the calculation, and to deny responsibility for certain consequences. Economic analysis helps organize these exclusions, helps distinguish what can count in the act of exchange from what cannot, what must be paid for and what should not. From this perspective, economics should be analyzed not in terms of the reality it represents (or fails to represent), but in terms of the arrangements and exclusions it helps to produce."<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 3: "Enframing a market does not happen only by employing the methods of classification or calculation that economic theory may provide. The exclusions on which market transactions depend take a variety of forms, and acquire different degrees of force and effectiveness."<br />
<br />
The idea of the "free market" continues to be an ideal of self-regulating economic life not subject to external control. The free market is not just a utopic dream about how the market once was, and might one day be again, but also a mathematical and conceptual abstraction of the current market from all of the factors with which it is implicated. As Mitchell points out, "the idea persists that the market, indeed capitalism in general, has a boundary. The boundary is thought to separate the market from the large areas of material activity and resources that seem to exist beyond its limit" (Mitchell 2007, 5-6).<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 5-6: "Despite the porosity of such arrangements, the idea persists that the market, indeed capitalism in general, has a boundary. The boundary is thought to separate the market from the large areas of material activity and resources that seem to exist beyond its limit. For countries outside the West, the idea of a boundary provides a common way not just to think about these places but to diagnose their problems and design appropriate remedies. Such remedies are increasingly popular. Older ways of approaching non-western development typically referred to different sectors of the economy, such as the traditional and the modern, the rural and the urban, or the agrarian and the industrial. These sectors had moving and sometimes overlapping boundaries. Development could be planned as a series of transitions, in which people and resources were to be moved from one sector to another, or in which the expansion of the market transformed different parts of the economy at different moments. Since the changes occurred over time, the difference between the non-market and the market, or the non-capitalist and the capitalist, represented as much a temporal transition as a territorial one. Today those sorts of temporal-spatial understandings often appear to have been displaced by a much simpler set of proposals: the capitalist economy is surrounded by a boundary, outside which stands the non-capitalist, non-market world. The task of development economics is to help extend the rules of the market into these other spaces."<br />
<br />
THE LINE DEMARCATING CAPITALISM IS THE TERRAIN OF CAPITALISM, Mitchel, Markets, 7: "'''the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism'''."<br />
<br />
ECONOMICS CONTROLS REPRESENTATIONS: Mitchel, Markets, 7: "...in describing what this nonmarket world lacks, neoclassical economics tends to diagnose its defects as an absence of techniques of representation. Things are stuck outside the market because they are not properly represented-- by property records, prices, or other systems of reference. What economic analysis does, however, is not to represent what was previously unrepresented, but to try and reorganize the circulation and control of representations."<br />
'''<br />
Spatial Representation''':<br />
<br />
The purpose of any space is determined by both the symbols used to<br />
designate where one is (ie an open for business sign), and the<br />
practices that take place there. In "Learning From Las Vegas," Robert<br />
Venturi takes a close look at how the Vegas Strip (in the late 60's)<br />
consisted of buildings that were differentiated primarily by flashy<br />
signs decorating unoriginal buildings (what he called the "decorated<br />
shed." He traced the phenomenon to the impact of speed on<br />
architecture - mainly that in a landscape where one drives past<br />
buildings, signs enable one to differentiate one space from another at<br />
a faster speed than differentiated architectures could (which is why<br />
signs matter so much for businesses on highways).<br />
<br />
What makes this so interesting is that when semiotics are reintroduced<br />
into architecture, communicating the specific use of a generic space,<br />
buildings enter a mediated realm - And I think that's key here - that<br />
when people believe they're in a market when they see a "market" sign,<br />
it enables the use of a spatial semiotic to successfully mediate the<br />
entire space provided that the same activity occurs - which is really<br />
just to say that the Las Vegas strip is this intermediate phenomenon<br />
whereby we all can find what we want in foreign places, and that's<br />
precisely the mechanism by which we can create a market without the<br />
actual space of a market (a shopping cart icon does the trick!).<br />
<br />
'''Immanent Representation''':<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
Braudel, Fernand. 1982. The wheels of commerce. New York: Harper & Row.<br />
<br />
Buck-Morss, Susan. Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display. Critical Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter, 1995), pp. 434-467. The University of Chicago Press<br />
<br />
Clough, Patricia, et. al. 2007. Notes Towards a Theory of Affect Itself. ''ephemera: theory and politics in organization''. 7(1):60-77.<br />
<br />
Jameson Fredric, “Culture and Finance Capital,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1, (1997 ), pp. 246-265. <br />
<br />
Martin, Randy. 2007. And Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management. Durham and London: Duke University Press.<br />
<br />
Massumi, Brian. The Future Birth of the Affective Fact. DATE JOURNAL<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. 2005. Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century. ''The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences: Positivism and its Epistemological Others'', edited by George Steinmetz.<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. [From an early version of the following paper.] 2007. The Properties of Markets. ''Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics''. Edited by Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />
<br />
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Braudel on Capitalism, or Everything Upside Down” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 2, A Special Issue on Modern France (Jun., 1991), pp. 354-361</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=The_Market&diff=4641The Market2008-04-16T18:48:41Z<p>Samhan: /* The History of Exchange */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Image:Shopping Cart.jpg]]<br />
<br />
In this dossier's engagement with the intersection of the built and mediated environment, we interpret Marshall McLuhan's argument that the remediation process whereby one medium survives as the content of another is the preservation of a distinct ''function'' in the midst of informatic and material transformation. This is not to suggest any predetermined trajectory of cultural obsolescence whereby a pre-existing function is stripped of cultural obstacles in its way, but rather to note that, ''in hindsight, content's transformative mechanism of appropriation enables us to examine behavioral systems, and the environment that housed them, as dead media,'' and that such dead media provide insights into a story of the concentration and distillation of culture into the symbolic content of later media which house cultural remains. <br />
<br />
Within the larger discussion of critical techniques this Archive attempts to employ, this dossier might also best be understood as an attempt to bridge our understanding of the isolation of <br />
medium from message (in the Hermes model) with our understanding of the communicative properties of materials which exhibit no such fragmentation (in the Iris model), as well as the rhizomatic, independent, message function that, in its ubiquitous employabilty, conforms to no specific medium (the Furies model). Far from suggesting an evolutionary hierarchy towards the immaterial, the market may, however, provide deeper insights into our understanding of the remediating processes at work in each of the three. <br />
<br />
We trace the process whereby the concentration of trading behavior and its eventual standardization was enabled by its enclosure in the space of the market, and the processes whereby this concentration separated market activity from a distinct built environment, isolating a function which is non-physical and anticipates the remediation of the market in the scripting content of immaterial spaces. Although we make no attempt to argue that physical market sites no longer exist, we do attempt to expose the informatic and material shifts that have obsolesced such physical environments, rendering the built environments that remain stages which serve a social function that is, in itself, a commodity. We identify the legacy of this fragmentation in the built environment and in the spaces which now bear witness to the market function in unexpected forms, yet we hope that future contributions will enrich and complicate the conceptual and mediatic transformations that accompanied the resurrection of symbolism in architecture.<br />
<br />
[[Image:Colourful shopping carts.jpg|thumb|right| What was once a spatial locality with a distinct form and use is now pure function with no distinct materiality]] [[Image:TUR1491SpiceBazaar.jpg]] <br />
<br />
=The History of Exchange= <br />
<br />
<br />
==The Market in Capitalism==<br />
<br />
===What is a market?===<br />
1.All of types of exchange that go beyond self-sufficiency, of all the wheels of trade, large and small, that we have described, of all the categories relating to trading areas (urban market, national market) or to a given product (the market in sugar, precious metals, spices etc.). In this sense the word is the equivalent of exchange, circulation and distribution. <br />
<br />
2.Large broad form of exchange, also known as market economy. <br />
<br />
To posit a pre-“anything” is to argue an implicit periodization of a concept. And undoubtedly, to suggest that there was a mode of representation or media such as “the market” so entrenched within the cultural values and practices of capitalism that preceded it, would also then require some explaining. Thankfully, in this task, we follow historian Fernand Braudel, who has undertaken massive volumes of study in this area. The trajectory of Braudel’s project, in line with his Annales colleagues more generally, is to provide a historiography of capitalism does not reify the very object of analysis—the ever-expanding, seemingly amoebic process called capitalism, which Marx himself referred to as comparable to “queer things abounding.” The danger would be to overlook how the market embodies the shifting historic-economic transition from merchant to industrial to finance capitalism. <br />
<br />
With respect to Marx and the present study at hand, it could be argued that Marx dealt the strongest blow the concept of the market as a fixed, spatial location of exchange; so why even proceed? Well, indeed, “the market” as a spatial category very much plays a large part in various spheres of life, most pressingly the cultural, social and political. Moreover, many scholars, Frederic Jameson most famously, have even suggested that the economic has fallen to the level of culture (See Jameson). In such arguments, there is an assumed de-differentiation of previously separate spheres. The guiding question in this section will be (roughly): How did the market become differentiated in the first place? <br />
<br />
==The Market as Interface of Digital and Analog==<br />
Braudel makes a distinction between “material life” and “economic life,” suggesting that the market, stalls and shops form a discontinuous contact surface between the two. By “material life” he means the most elementary, autarkic societies and by “economic life” he means commerce, currencies, and exchanges (Braudel, 21). Hence, the market is a medium in the sense that it translates the “non-economy, imprisoned within self-sufficiency” to the level of “exchange-“or “market-value.” The discontinuity, for Braudel, is clearly rooted his positing some sort of non-economy that precedes full-blown capitalism. In other words, Braudel envisions precapitalist market as being discontinuous and spontaneous whereas the “true capitalist” market becomes continuous and permanently reified as “the market.” Is this distinction between discontinuity and continuity also that of digital and analog? Here, it can be argued that Braudel’s point is a bit nostalgic. That is to say, that Braudel’s overarching project to delink what he calls “economic life” from capitalism, which he sometimes refers to as “true capitalism”(Wallerstein, 354) necessitates a level of fixity in what he calls a market (as opposed to anti-market). Immanuel Wallerstein helps us understand this part of Braudel very clearly. He suggests that that Braudel makes a clear distinction between “economic life” and “material life.” Economic life moves out of the unconscious routine of the daily life towards a more conscious and active process of the division of labor (Wallerstein, 355). Framed within admittedly fraught distinction between continuous/discontinuous, we can suggest that for Braudel the material life is analog; hence unconscious, though nevertheless full of regularities. Economic life, that is “true capitalist” life, is too then perceivably analog as it is an instrumental, goal-oriented activity of production bounded in the smoothness of consciousness. But indeed, the market is that which interfaces and mediates the economic life into material life. In addition, Wallerstein suggests that Braudel sees that market economy as transparent, whereas material life (below) and economic life (above) are shadowy and opaque, in contrast. However, the zone above, on the other hand, (the economy) the zone of capitalism, was opaque, in this case because capitalists wanted it so. It was a zone in which “certain groups of privileged actors were engaged in circuits and calculations that ordinary people knew nothing of” (Braudel as quoted in Wallerstein, 355). Thus, in this mediation, there is a “blackboxing” of the guts of exchange. The market economy (or the antimarket) does not show the immanent negotiation of the market transaction, and indeed the fixing of the market-price. Price control, which Susan Buck-Morss rightly notes becomes the representational bottom-line of the market (Buck-Morss, 463). <br />
<br />
(The specific definition of the market is rendered even in the layout of the three volumes of Braudel’s Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century.) Against Polanyi, he argues that “the market” as a vital component of the “market economy” is a consolidation, rationalization and even remediation of practices or instruments of exchange, which existed centuries prior to the 15th century, when we see the emergence of the ordinary market (e.g., the farmer’s market). The farmer’s market is characterized by what Braudel labels “immediate exchange,” describing it as such: “goods are sold on the spot, the purchases are taken and paid for there and then. Credit is hardly used…”(Ibid., 29). Immediate exchange had been practiced centuries or millennia before in ancient Greece, classical China, the Americas (Aztecs) and all over Africa. <br />
<br />
==Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange==<br />
In the 15th century, markets were held twice a week in towns and urban centers in theory only. Especially in cities such as Paris, markets were held daily. The twice-a-week rule was not so much an effect of regulation but of necessity, as the surrounding countryside needed time to supply them. During the 17th century, the shift from being held in between town and countryside to being held at the heart of towns, usually in the town squares. As towns continued to grow in size, so did the markets, to the point where the tiny town squares could no longer accommodate the number of vendors coming to sell their goods. Here are Braudel’s words: “And since they [markets] represented modernity on the march, their growth allowed no obstacle to bar their way: they could with impunity impose on their surroundings their congestion, their rubbish and their obstinate gatherings of people” (Braudel, 31). The solution adopted was that of banishing them to the outskirts of town. However, as a reaction against this measure, markets would appear as open spaces would open up, especially seasonally with the freezing over of rivers, on which goods could be brought back and forth via sled. Braudel recounts two such examples—Moscow’s Moscova river and London’s Thames. The latter is most famously represented in the adjoining engraving. <br />
<br />
===Enclosing and Encoding the Market===<br />
Markets existed in very ancient times within a single village or group of villages—the market being a sort of itinerant village, as the fair was a sort of traveling town. But the decisive step in this long history was taken when the town appropriated these little markets. It absorbed them and inflated them to its own dimensions, in return having to accept the demands they made on it. <br />
<br />
The urban markets may have been invented by the Phoenicians. The Greek city-states had a market on the agora. The proliferation of markets beyond the town squares elicited a response by towns to take regulatory measures, the most significant of which was the construction of covered markets (halls or halles), at times surrounded by open-air markets (Braudel, 33). In the 16th century, the towns and cities of England saw a series of markethalls with different names spring up, often at the experience of a wealthy local merchant disposed to be generous. The word halle could mean several things then, from a simple covered market to the mighty buildings and complicated organizations of the Halles which were from a very early date ‘the belly of Paris.’ What is of note is that these were mostly permanent and specialized. London, for example, by 1660, halls had “full-time employees, and a whole complicated administration” (Braudel, 33). The Halles was a huge combination of covered spaces and open spaces, its pillars holding up the arcades of neighboring houses, and surrounded by a bustling commercial life on the fringes of the central market, taking advantage of the disorder and sprawl and creating more of both to its own profit. Additionally, it marked the beginning of the usage of the term “market” as associated with a specific good such as “labor market.” Though it seems like a minor detail in the history of commerce, the covering of markets, we would argue, is a major turning-point or "break boundary" as "the system generated by the artifact suddenly changes into another or passes some point of no return in its dynamic processes" (quoted from Critical Techniques page). Once markets were covered and centralized, we see that the political interventions on markets would follow to delimit the contingent and spontaneous nature of markets. <br />
<br />
[[Image:Markettownsinwales.jpg|thumb|right| 800 Market Towns in England/Wales 1500-1640]]<br />
With the springing of markets all over various cities, towns began to intervene, once again, through spatial restrictions. London, again, provides a very enlightening example for Braudel. With the London market came the dislocation of the traditional market (public, nothing could be concealed), producer-vendor and buyer-consumer meet face to face. The distance between the two was becoming too great to be traveled by ordinary people. The merchant, or middleman, had already, from at least the thirteenth century, made his appearance in England, as a go-between for town and country, in particular in the corn trade. Gradually, chains of intermediaries were set up between producer and merchant on one hand, and between merchant and retailer on the other; along these chains passed the bulk of the trade in butter, cheese, poultry produce, fruit, vegetables and milk (Braudel, 42). Moreover, beyond goods of produce and industry (mostly crafts), land also became traded on the market. The market is then, in turn, a coterminous concept with “commodity,” as it becomes a facilitating medium for commodities. It becomes the connection, or encoding interface by which the commodity could be transformed from use-value to exchange-value. By encoding, I mean to suggest that the market becomes part of the grammar of commodities in market capitalism. How this functions I would argue is that the market becomes the system of rationality that is able to bring within a bounded geographical and symbolic system, effectively doing away with the barter system of mercantilism, and instating a mode of representation with its unit of measurement being the commodity. After it is enclosed and encoded, the market becomes the sole means by which to exchange, thus acting as a formal prohibition for all economic activity. Markets become the dominant economic media. <br />
The market then is the condition of possibility for commodities, but “the null point of social community (Buck-Morss, 437). Susan Buck-Morss goes so far as to argue that the market then elicits a certain mode of subjectivity that undergirds the market and commodity—the economic actor that is a, harkening back to the Freudian theory of human as a “bundle of instincts,” a “bounded rationality” (Buck-Morss, 466). Bounded rationality for Buck-Morss, is indicative of the effects of market-encoding or market-modeling that points towards the “depersonalization of exchange” (Buck-Morss, 437).<br />
<br />
=Theatricality in the creation of a consuming subject=<br />
<br />
Although there is much disagreement as to when consumer culture emerged fully formed, it is clear that the social transformation that accompanied its arrival required an unprecedented effort to pursuade individuals to consume as a way of life. The combined forces of advertising, branding and strategic exhibition of foreign objects, colluded in an elaborate performance which sought to embed curiosity in consuming subjects eager to witness the magic of a marketplace disrupting traditional social fabric. Although<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=Semiotics in the Liberation of Function from Form=<br />
[[Image:Monument.jpg|right|thumb|Robert Venturi's "Recommendation for a monument" from [[Learning From Las Vegas]], 1972]]<br />
<br />
<br />
''... ours is not the environment for heroic communication through pure architecture. Each medium has its day, and the rhetorical environmental statements of our time – civic, commercial, or residential – will come from media more purely symbolic, perhaps less static and more adaptable to the scale of our environment. The iconography and mixed media of roadside commercial architecture will point the way if we will look. Housing for the elderly on the Oak Street Connector, if it had to be a monument, would have been more economical, socially responsible and amenable as a conventional apartment building,lost by the side of the expressway, with a big sign on top blinking, I AM A MONUMENT. Decoration is cheaper. <br />
<br />
- Robert Venturi,"Learning From Las Vegas," 1972''<br />
<br />
<br />
----<br />
[[Image:Vegas strip.jpg|thumb|right|The Upper Strip Looking North]]<br />
[[Image:Normal wedding-chapel-las-vegas.jpg|thumb|right|A Vegas chapel: function legitimated through semiotics]]<br />
<br />
When Robert Venturi looked to the vernacular architecture on the Las Vegas strip in the late 1960's, he saw a resurrection of symbolism in the built environment that had seemed destined for extinction in the wake of architectural modernism. Whereas the Bauhaus' legacy in modernism had stripped buildings of ornament in an attempt to unify form with function, Venturi was amazed to find a Las Vegas strip dotted with generic buildings differentiated only by elaborate ornamental signs designating the unique functions and identities of otherwise identical spaces. <br />
<br />
The Vegas strip not only violated a progression away from decoration (which led many to credit Venturi's text as the first postmodern architectural manifesto) but brought more clearly into focus the impact of the automobile upon architecture that needed to be identified from greater distances over shorter durations of time. Whereas the heroic communication of pure architecture had in the past led to forms and facades which - albeit imperfectly - communicated the activities contained within them, Venturi noted that in a land of highways and commercial strips the same system of (road) signs that enabled standardized navigation of an entire continent also enabled a faster recognition of the buildings and spaces one passed by. The vital necessity of introducing semiotic distinctions between buildings exemplified the spatial distortions that accompany accelerated movement and the distribution of communities across expanding territories.<br />
<br />
Whereas the built environment brought countless aspects of human activity into existence by anchoring them in physical space, what Venturi exposed was the cultural appropriation of semiotic systems to designate spaces whose distinctive architecture had not yet been invented. In his iconic “Recommendation for a monument” his sarcastic suggestion that decoration upon generic form was the most ethical and economic method of design, exposed the complete lack of subtlety in designs that managed to serve specific functions in the absence of architectural innovation. Rather than create a home for new human activity, it was clear that one need only name a space in order for it to serve a specific function. Although modular, multipurpose, space had been realized long ago behind the glass curtain walls of modern skyscapers, after 1972, one could not escape the vulgar conclusion that the space itself was a nostalgic theatre enabling the suspension of disbelief which designated the offices of one box from the warehouse or monument of another.<br />
<br />
In essence, symbolism had invaded space rendering residual communicative modalities in architectural form (the steeple, the column, the storefront) which directed activities within them unnecessary. In a traditional town one might recognize a church by a steeple, and civic institutions by classical architecture – but in Las Vegas one needed only to read a sign that read “CHAPEL” and a marriage could be performed. Resistance to the glass curtain and the modernist box need not be overcome by a radical re-education of a public in modernist aesthetics, but by the complete removal of ambiguity through the ultimate abstraction of the sign. Buildings had entered a realm of mediation, and the Las Vegas strip presented an intermediate phenomenon whereby one could could navigate a foreign landscape and locate a desired service or commodity in spite of all unfamiliarity with the landscape itself. <br />
<br />
Venturi's Monument, like a Vegas chapel, anticipates the remediation of spatial phenomena in immaterial spaces and illustrates that function itself is not material, but something performed by actors engaged in a collective fiction. Once it was plainly clear that all the world was a stage, it followed that with the proper, scripting, semiotic device, the market no longer needed to be a specific locality in order to function as a market.<br />
----<br />
<br />
= Market as Stage: A comparison of three Stock Markets=<br />
<br />
NASDAQ [[Image:Nasdaq0952.jpg|thumb|right|NASDAQ's only physical manifestations are purely symbolic, they fully realize Venturi's conception of an alternative medium housing the functions that previously required a complex and unique architecture]]<br />
<br />
On February 8, 1971, a year prior to Venturi's publication of "Learning From Las Vegas," the world witnessed the birth of the first purely electronic stock market, NASDAQ. In contrast to traditional stock markets, NASDAQ's elimination of a trading floor helped to minimize the spread between the bid price and the ask price of a stock through it's computer bulletin board system. Although the market initially did not connect buyers and sellers directly, it presented a successor to over-the-counter finance and introduced a market function that did not depend on person to person trade. NASDAQ initially relied upon the use of telephones to connect buyers, brokers and sellers, yet currently relies upon electronic communication networks. As the world's largest stock market, in terms of companies listed and trades per day, NASDAQ is a functioning market without the spatial enclosure of a market, a product of the information age, and a phenomenon which illuminates the theatrical gestures elsewhere to preserve and exhibit a non-essential spatiality.<br />
<br />
The New York Stock Exchange [[Image:TRADING floor 042007.jpg|thumb|right|Chaos on the NYSE trading floor constitutes genuine trading activity kept alive through the hybrid market's "cake mix effect"]]<br />
<br />
Although the New York Stock exchange no longer engages in over-the-counter trading, its trading floor is a bustling theatre of trading activity. The floor itself might be seen as an obsolescent inefficiency, yet it is worth noting that in dollar volume, the NYSE remains a larger market than the NASDAQ despite having less listings. The NYSE is called a hybrid market because customers are given the choice of whether to send orders for immediate electronic execution or whether to submit an order to the trading floor for trading in the auction market. The preservation of human interaction on the floor itself seems to embody a nostalgia inherent in "the cake mix effect" whereby the efficiency of a sequence is interrupted by redundant steps as a defense from the obsolescence of a sequence understood to have cultural value. The floor is a tradition that is alive and well, yet this phenomenon eludes the mere prerequisite of market function, effectively defending a culture whose continued presence preserves an illusion that the market is still a market.<br />
<br />
<br />
The Shanghai Stock Exchange [[Image:Xin 09020401155645001043.jpg|thumb|right|The empty trading floor in Shanghai]]<br />
<br />
In perhaps the most bizarre isolation of medium from message at a time when the space of a trading floor is obsolescent, the Shanghai Stock Exchange, though entirely electronic like NASDAQ, has a trading floor which serves no market function in performance or otherwise. As a relatively new market, the physicality of a trading floor lends authority to the electronic transactions which occur in reference to it, yet it simultaneously sits as the vacant theatre of a performance which never took place. Whereas the NYSE might be understood as a monument to trading which lays claim to cultural capital and ensures continued longevity, the Shanghai Stock Exchange physical existence seems in contrast to be legitimizing a market dependent upon foreign investors that equate the physical market with a "real" market worthy of investment. The market extends Robert Venturi's visual joke into unexpected territory, announcing "I AM A MARKET" in spite of foreign anxieties which might argue otherwise.<br />
<br />
= The Market as an Object of Representation and Modeling=<br />
This section will look at how the market as an object was subsumed by "the economy," following Timothy Mitchell's argument in his article, "Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century". Mitchell argues that the objectification of the market and the economy is accomplished by economic, econometric, and governmental attempts to keep track of monetary exchange. In other words, measurements of the market serve to constitute the object they seek to measure (Mitchell 2005). Following Mitchell's argument and drawing from Randy Martin's book, ''An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management'', we propose that the death of the market as a media object was accomplished by the same process that made it; measurements of market activity become the condition of possibility for this activity in such a way that measuring and regulatory acts become immanent to actual commodities. Commodities now no longer need the frame of the market to act as a structure, providing the affordances and prohibitions of exchange. Now these regulatory/technical capacities are embedded in commodities such as derivatives and securities, as Randy Martin demonstrates.<br />
<br />
== The Market as a Medium ==<br />
<br />
In addition to asking how the market comes to be an object, it is relevant for this project to ask, to what extent can the market be characterized as a medium? And, insofar as it is a medium, to what extent can the market be characterized as a dead medium?<br />
<br />
In order to answer these questions, one must consider different definitions and uses of the word, market.<br />
<br />
1) Fernand Braudel defines the market as that which mediates between material life and economic life. This understanding is obsolete because the possibility of mediation requires a prior separation between the two entities--in this case material and economic life--being mediated. A Marxist reading of capitalism, especially as it was taken up by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics, suggests that material and economic life are no longer separate, that the economy has become a condition of possibility for material life, and is therefore immanent to it. The market as a medium in this regard is dead.<br />
<br />
2) The market can also refer to a physical place where commodities are exchanged, as in a marketplace. This is similar to Mitchell's discussion of the market before the use of the word economy to refer to an object of economic analysis. This market is an inert space where the lives of people and the fruits of the land interact. In this case it is a passive medium through which commodities are exchanged. The message being mediated is the trade between the commodity and money, but the marketplace does not mediate this message. The medium is actually the socially agreed up or legal rules that determine the contract of exchange. It is these rules that construct the space as a market, and it has been proven that exchange can happen without being enclosed in a spatial entity determined to be a marketplace. The market as a spatial entity is dead insofar as merchants and buyers no longer have to go to a physical place to engage in acts of exchange. The contracts determining an act of exchange do not require all parties to be in the same place, and with the internet, parties engaged in an act of exchange to do not have to make contact at the same time. <br />
<br />
It is even necessary to consider the death of exchange, for exchange implies that all parties lose one object (either a commodity or money) and gain another. However, value is now generated from situations of loss and lack, and from the differentials between predicted prices (See section entitled "Investing in Risk" below). '''It may be now be possible to talk about a production of value independent of exchange.''' <br />
<br />
3) The market is also a conceptual category referring to a specific type of commodity that can be bought and sold (i.e., the job market, the stock market). The stipulation is that there has to be more than one seller offering the commodity to at least one buyer. The sellers exist in a market competing for the buyers, who can choose between them. In this case the competitive conditions impact the price. In this way There is argument about whether this type of free market in which prices are determined by supply and demand under conditions of competition is alive or dead. Manuel DeLanda argues that capitalism is an anti-market because price is regulated by factors other than supply and demand in a competitive market; in other words, price is imposed from outside the market (DeLanda, Markets and Antimarkets in the World Economy).<br />
<br />
4) Another meaning for the word market is an aggregate of economic exchange in a given totality, such as "the U.S. market". Mitchell argues that the market in this definition is an object of calculation and analysis, and that therefore the acts of objectification comprise the object we know as the market. According to Mitchell, "the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism" (Mitchell 2007, 7). By this logic, capitalism is a sort of matrix or substrate made of the technical enactment of boundaries between inside and outside. The boundary-making itself is the substance of capitalism. This speaks to McCluhan's famous statement that "the medium is message". In this case the analysis of markets become the condition of possibility for markets, and this condition of possibility is the actual medium. <br />
<br />
The question remains, what message is being mediated here. Mitchell's analysis serves to show that the market is not actually a bounded object, and because of this we can presuppose autonomy for any entities between which the market mediates. The market is no longer a medium.<br />
<br />
== The Market as an Organic Body ==<br />
<br />
In Braudel's definition of the market, his use of the term "economic life" implies that economic activity is alive, or that it is a site where life happens. Timothy Mitchell finds that dominant ideas of the market before the 1930s treated it as an aggregate of life forces, or "individual utilities" (Mitchell 2005, 129). The Malthusian relationship between land fertility and population size comprised the object of analysis as "an organic world of human settlement, agriculture, and the movement of populations, goods, and wealth" (Mitchell 2005, 128). <br />
<br />
Towards the end of the 1800s, the idea of the market as a separate surface began, but it was not yet a "self-contained sphere, imagined as machine whose internal mechanisms and exchanges separate it from other social processes (Mitchell 2005, 128). Rather, "The object of analysis was made up of forces, conceived as individual utilities, that were assumed to be in balance. The site of this mechanical equilibrium was 'the market'.... As a neutral, planar surface, the market of neoclassical economics had no depth, no dynamic structure, no forces of its own, no 'macro' dimension that could be described apart from the individual utilities that moved across it. It was an inert, unmoving space" (Mitchell 2005, 129). In this characterization, the market was not seen as a system. It was rather a space that could be filled with individual energy; this is quite different from the current idea of "the economy" as a thermodynamic system in which the whole exerts force onto each of the parts. In this older conception of the market, the equilibrium of individual forces was not imposed by a greater whole, but seemed to arise naturally. <br />
<br />
Mitchell argues that the term, "economy" was not used in its contemporary sense, as an object of economic analysis, until it was actually taken as an object of economic analysis by econometrics in the 1930s. This was around the same time John Maynard Keynes began to refer to "the economic system as a whole" (Mitchell 2005, 130). Mitchell characterizes econometrics as "the attempt to create a mathematical representation of the entire economic process as a self-contained and dynamic mechanism" (Mitchell 2005, 131). At this point the dynamism of the economy incorporates or subsumes a collection of markets into itself. Economic processes are seen as a totality and it is possible to distinguish between that which is internal and that which is external to this totality. External forces impact the economy, causing "reverberations throughout the internal machine" (Mitchell 2005, 133). <br />
<br />
This notion of the economy as a system seems to persist, but perhaps with an important development. It is still understood as a systemic totality, but the external forces that impact it have been subsumed into the economy (partly through the statistical measurements of aggregates and averages such as gross national product and average spending). It is understood more like an organism than a machine requiring a human laborer. Randy Martin describes this organic model: "An economy could become overheated and melt down or explode. The social sciences more generally were predicated on this image of a closed system. The system adapted to internal strains by growth and differentiation. It maintained boundaries, kept out threatening uncertainties, and externalized unintended consequences from its internal decisions" (Martin, 28-29).<br />
<br />
=== The Death of Equilibrium/Equilibrium as Death ===<br />
<br />
Organic models of systems describe systems as thermodynamic, operating like a thermostat that adjusts to external stimuli, or adapts external stimuli to it, in such a way that the system maintains equilibrium. Business cycle models of the market speak the language of thermodynamics because the market returns to the same stages each time it goes through a cycle. However, some contemporary critiques of capitalism argue that capitalism operates more as a ''state'' of instability than a ''system'' at equilibrium (See Clough 2007). <br />
<br />
Randy Martin looks at this problem of equilibrium/disequilibrium in terms of the financial logic of risk that, he argues, has permeated economic thinking and has defined the subject as an investor. Martin traces the U.S.'s switch from a creditor to a debtor nation in the 1980s, when the nation began to operate through consumption without production. During this time risk became a sign of strength and power and the need for stability was a sign of weakness, now associated with the third world (Martin, 28). Being in debt, which used to be a sign of weakness, became a source of value. Debt is repackaged into securities. <br />
<br />
Beginning in the late 1970s after the U.S. dollar was delinked from the gold standard, "monetary movement was being freed to spread the wealth. Equilibrium-- key to Bretton Woods and early monetarist currency controls-- was no longer a condition of exchange. The dollar's spread, the expansion of debt and speculation, fostered disequilibrium and its attendant risks as a new horizon of opportunity. Fixing exchange to a physical standard perpetuated the image of the economy as a closed system. It could grow in proportion to the balance of inputs and outputs" (Martin, 29). According to Martin, money's attachment to the gold standard provided a kind of mystification that had a performative function; it created a "system-based moral and political economy" that was then overtaken by financial reason: in Martin's words, "when the investor who knows no country elbowed out the consumer-citizen of the nation-state, the organic closed system, result of the social sciences' unacknowledged metaphorizing of the social, was morphing into a different kind of beast" (Martin, 29). The a delinking of the subject from the nation-state goes hand-in-hand with the advent of the investor, who is a self-managing risk-taker. <br />
<br />
Within this finance economy, speculation is the only way to thrive economically, and speculation relies on both present and future instability and unpredictability (for more on unpredictability, see Clough). It is the very lack of predictability of capitalism that makes speculation such a profitable game; if the economy were truly predictable, than there would be no competition for correct guesses and measurements, and a securities package would not be a commodity.<br />
<br />
=== Coding of Risk, Instability ===<br />
<br />
How to understand market activity after the traditional market dies. Instead of coding commodities as valuable (Mitchell, 2007), Randy Martin argues that capitalism is following a financial logic, which extracts value from predicting future price fluctuations, interest rates, exchange rates, and packages this risk into new kinds of commodities, such as derivatives and securities.<br />
<br />
"Properly ascertained risk, not growth per se, is what yields rewards. The trade in risk avoidance devolves into a profit on risk itself" (Martin, 33).==== Futurity in the Present ====<br />
<br />
Another way to probe this idea of the death of the market as a system at equilibrium is to think about the non-linear time made possible by predictions. As Martin illustrates in his discussion of derivatives, Branding: "In its infinite differentiation of product ranges, branding plays with a combination of familiarity plus novelty, a ''past-futurity''. New memories installed that you have not phenomenologically experienced in order to produce a certain receptivity to brand triggers" (Parisi and Goodman, 2006).<br />
<br />
<br />
==== Derivatives ====<br />
<br />
A derivative is a contract on "some variation in price" (Martin, 31). EXAMPLE: "a firm selling a product overseas that will not be deliverable for several years will create a contract to fix currency exchange rates for the time when the product is finished. The expected difference between current and future exchange rates can then be sold as a separate commodity" (Martin, 31). "A similar contract could hedge against a change in interest rates, or the price of raw materials, or delivery costs" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
<br />
"Derivatives remove reference from the commodity. They allow debt to serve as a productive medium from which countless commodities can be spawned. Derivatives are promissory notes issued between firms. They represent a prime vehicle with which industrial corporations undertake the function of banks by engaging in financial services." (Martin, 31)<br />
<br />
"The derivative is a sign of the shift in the beneficiaries of development from populations or nations to other economic actors. Those who can steward risk will advance....The capacity for financial decision making trumps democratic involvement to decide political representation" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
==== Securities ====<br />
<br />
== Modes of Representation ==<br />
<br />
'''Economic Representation''': Timothy Mitchell talks about the economy as an object, an entity, that was constructed by studies of it and attempts to regulate it. This process of regulation sounds like it should be outside of economic activity, but he is saying that it constitutes economic activity. The economy is an object of economics, econometrics, government regulation, etc. In other words, it is an object of calculation and restriction. <br />
<br />
A capitalist market needs to have what Timothy Mitchell calls an "apparatus of representation" in order to convert material into abstract capital. Mitchell, Markets, 9: Characterizing de Soto's argument: "The most important difference between successful capitalist economies and the rest of the world lies not in the wealth they possess... but in how that wealth is held." "Representations of material goods transform their value into abstract forms, which can live an 'invisible, parallel life' alongside their physical existnece. The West has invented procedures to create these invisible forms. Individuals in the West can unlock the assets accumulated in physical property, transforming material wealth into abstract capital" (Mitchell, 2006, 9).<br />
<br />
In the 1930s the term "the economy" began to represent an economic whole that included and coordinated markets into one coherent system, delineated by national boundaries.Mitchell, Economists, 126: Mitchell argues that, "...the economy became the object of economic knowledge only quite recently. Not until the 1930s did economists begin to write about an object called the economy, and only by the middle of the century was the term as it is understood today in general use. Second, 'economy' was not just a new word for an existing sphere or underlying substance; its arrival marked the emergence of novel forms of sociotechnical practice that formed and performed the economy as a new object of professional knowledge and political practice."<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 1-2: "Markets would not work if people were not allowed to exclude things, to leave certain costs or claims out of the calculation, and to deny responsibility for certain consequences. Economic analysis helps organize these exclusions, helps distinguish what can count in the act of exchange from what cannot, what must be paid for and what should not. From this perspective, economics should be analyzed not in terms of the reality it represents (or fails to represent), but in terms of the arrangements and exclusions it helps to produce."<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 3: "Enframing a market does not happen only by employing the methods of classification or calculation that economic theory may provide. The exclusions on which market transactions depend take a variety of forms, and acquire different degrees of force and effectiveness."<br />
<br />
The idea of the "free market" continues to be an ideal of self-regulating economic life not subject to external control. The free market is not just a utopic dream about how the market once was, and might one day be again, but also a mathematical and conceptual abstraction of the current market from all of the factors with which it is implicated. As Mitchell points out, "the idea persists that the market, indeed capitalism in general, has a boundary. The boundary is thought to separate the market from the large areas of material activity and resources that seem to exist beyond its limit" (Mitchell 2007, 5-6).<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 5-6: "Despite the porosity of such arrangements, the idea persists that the market, indeed capitalism in general, has a boundary. The boundary is thought to separate the market from the large areas of material activity and resources that seem to exist beyond its limit. For countries outside the West, the idea of a boundary provides a common way not just to think about these places but to diagnose their problems and design appropriate remedies. Such remedies are increasingly popular. Older ways of approaching non-western development typically referred to different sectors of the economy, such as the traditional and the modern, the rural and the urban, or the agrarian and the industrial. These sectors had moving and sometimes overlapping boundaries. Development could be planned as a series of transitions, in which people and resources were to be moved from one sector to another, or in which the expansion of the market transformed different parts of the economy at different moments. Since the changes occurred over time, the difference between the non-market and the market, or the non-capitalist and the capitalist, represented as much a temporal transition as a territorial one. Today those sorts of temporal-spatial understandings often appear to have been displaced by a much simpler set of proposals: the capitalist economy is surrounded by a boundary, outside which stands the non-capitalist, non-market world. The task of development economics is to help extend the rules of the market into these other spaces."<br />
<br />
THE LINE DEMARCATING CAPITALISM IS THE TERRAIN OF CAPITALISM, Mitchel, Markets, 7: "'''the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism'''."<br />
<br />
ECONOMICS CONTROLS REPRESENTATIONS: Mitchel, Markets, 7: "...in describing what this nonmarket world lacks, neoclassical economics tends to diagnose its defects as an absence of techniques of representation. Things are stuck outside the market because they are not properly represented-- by property records, prices, or other systems of reference. What economic analysis does, however, is not to represent what was previously unrepresented, but to try and reorganize the circulation and control of representations."<br />
'''<br />
Spatial Representation''':<br />
<br />
The purpose of any space is determined by both the symbols used to<br />
designate where one is (ie an open for business sign), and the<br />
practices that take place there. In "Learning From Las Vegas," Robert<br />
Venturi takes a close look at how the Vegas Strip (in the late 60's)<br />
consisted of buildings that were differentiated primarily by flashy<br />
signs decorating unoriginal buildings (what he called the "decorated<br />
shed." He traced the phenomenon to the impact of speed on<br />
architecture - mainly that in a landscape where one drives past<br />
buildings, signs enable one to differentiate one space from another at<br />
a faster speed than differentiated architectures could (which is why<br />
signs matter so much for businesses on highways).<br />
<br />
What makes this so interesting is that when semiotics are reintroduced<br />
into architecture, communicating the specific use of a generic space,<br />
buildings enter a mediated realm - And I think that's key here - that<br />
when people believe they're in a market when they see a "market" sign,<br />
it enables the use of a spatial semiotic to successfully mediate the<br />
entire space provided that the same activity occurs - which is really<br />
just to say that the Las Vegas strip is this intermediate phenomenon<br />
whereby we all can find what we want in foreign places, and that's<br />
precisely the mechanism by which we can create a market without the<br />
actual space of a market (a shopping cart icon does the trick!).<br />
<br />
'''Immanent Representation''':<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
Braudel, Fernand. 1982. The wheels of commerce. New York: Harper & Row.<br />
<br />
Buck-Morss, Susan. Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display. Critical Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter, 1995), pp. 434-467. The University of Chicago Press<br />
<br />
Clough, Patricia, et. al. 2007. Notes Towards a Theory of Affect Itself. ''ephemera: theory and politics in organization''. 7(1):60-77.<br />
<br />
Jameson Fredric, “Culture and Finance Capital,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1, (1997 ), pp. 246-265. <br />
<br />
Martin, Randy. 2007. And Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management. Durham and London: Duke University Press.<br />
<br />
Massumi, Brian. The Future Birth of the Affective Fact. DATE JOURNAL<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. 2005. Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century. ''The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences: Positivism and its Epistemological Others'', edited by George Steinmetz.<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. [From an early version of the following paper.] 2007. The Properties of Markets. ''Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics''. Edited by Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />
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Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Braudel on Capitalism, or Everything Upside Down” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 2, A Special Issue on Modern France (Jun., 1991), pp. 354-361</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=File:Markettownsinwales.jpg&diff=4586File:Markettownsinwales.jpg2008-04-16T16:34:11Z<p>Samhan: </p>
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<div></div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=The_Market&diff=4575The Market2008-04-16T15:46:14Z<p>Samhan: </p>
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<div>[[Image:Shopping Cart.jpg]]<br />
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In this dossier's engagement with the intersection of the built and mediated environment, we interpret Marshall McLuhan's argument that the remediation process whereby one medium survives as the content of another is the preservation of a distinct ''function'' in the midst of informatic and material transformation. This is not to suggest any predetermined trajectory of cultural obsolescence whereby a pre-existing function is stripped of cultural obstacles in its way, but rather to note that, ''in hindsight, content's transformative mechanism of appropriation enables us to examine behavioral systems, and the environment that housed them, as dead media,'' and that such dead media provide insights into a story of the concentration and distillation of culture into the symbolic content of later media which house cultural remains. <br />
<br />
Within the larger discussion of critical techniques this Archive attempts to employ, this dossier might also best be understood as an attempt to bridge our understanding of the isolation of <br />
medium from message (in the Hermes model) with our understanding of the communicative properties of materials which exhibit no such fragmentation (in the Iris model), as well as the rhizomatic, independent, message function that, in its ubiquitous employabilty, conforms to no specific medium (the Furies model). Far from suggesting an evolutionary hierarchy towards the immaterial, the market may, however, provide deeper insights into our understanding of the remediating processes at work in each of the three. <br />
<br />
We trace the process whereby the concentration of trading behavior and its eventual standardization was enabled by its enclosure in the space of the market, and the processes whereby this concentration separated market activity from a distinct built environment, isolating a function which is non-physical and anticipates the remediation of the market in the scripting content of immaterial spaces. Although we make no attempt to argue that physical market sites no longer exist, we do attempt to expose the informatic and material shifts that have obsolesced such physical environments, rendering the built environments that remain stages which serve a social function that is, in itself, a commodity. Although we attempt to identify the legacy of this fragmentation in the built environment and in the spaces which now bear witness to the market function in unexpected forms, we hope that future contributions will enrich and complicate the conceptual and mediatic transformations that accompanied the resurrection of symbolism in architecture.<br />
<br />
[[Image:Colourful shopping carts.jpg|thumb|right| What was once a spatial locality with a distinct form and use is now pure function with no distinct materiality]] [[Image:TUR1491SpiceBazaar.jpg]] <br />
<br />
=The History of Exchange= <br />
<br />
==What is a market?==<br />
1.All of types of exchange that go beyond self-sufficiency, of all the wheels of trade, large and small, that we have described, of all the categories relating to trading areas (urban market, national market) or to a given product (the market in sugar, precious metals, spices etc.). In this sense the word is the equivalent of exchange, circulation and distribution. <br />
<br />
2.Large broad form of exchange, also known as market economy. <br />
<br />
==The Market in Capitalism==<br />
To posit a pre-“anything” is to argue an implicit periodization of a concept. And undoubtedly, to suggest that there was a mode of representation or media such as “the market” so entrenched within the cultural values and practices of capitalism that preceded it, would also then require some explaining. Thankfully, in this task, we follow historian Fernand Braudel, who has undertaken massive volumes of study in this area. The trajectory of Braudel’s project, in line with his Annales colleagues more generally, is to provide a historiography of capitalism does not reify the very object of analysis—the ever-expanding, seemingly amoebic process called capitalism, which Marx himself referred to as comparable to “queer things abounding.” The danger would be to overlook how the market embodies the shifting historic-economic transition from merchant to industrial to finance capitalism. <br />
<br />
With respect to Marx and the present study at hand, it could be argued that Marx dealt the strongest blow the concept of the market as a fixed, spatial location of exchange; so why even proceed? Well, indeed, “the market” as a spatial category very much plays a large part in various spheres of life, most pressingly the cultural, social and political. Moreover, many scholars, Frederic Jameson most famously, have even suggested that the economic has fallen to the level of culture (See Jameson). In such arguments, there is an assumed de-differentiation of previously separate spheres. The guiding question in this section will be (roughly): How did the market become differentiated in the first place? <br />
<br />
==The Market as Interface of Digital and Analog==<br />
Braudel makes a distinction between “material life” and “economic life,” suggesting that the market, stalls and shops form a discontinuous contact surface between the two. By “material life” he means the most elementary, autarkic societies and by “economic life” he means commerce, currencies, and exchanges (Braudel, 21). Hence, the market is a medium in the sense that it translates the “non-economy, imprisoned within self-sufficiency” to the level of “exchange-“or “market-value.” The discontinuity, for Braudel, is clearly rooted his positing some sort of non-economy that precedes full-blown capitalism. In other words, Braudel envisions precapitalist market as being discontinuous and spontaneous whereas the “true capitalist” market becomes continuous and permanently reified as “the market.” Is this distinction between discontinuity and continuity also that of digital and analog? Here, it can be argued that Braudel’s point is a bit nostalgic. That is to say, that Braudel’s overarching project to delink what he calls “economic life” from capitalism, which he sometimes refers to as “true capitalism”(Wallerstein, 354) necessitates a level of fixity in what he calls a market (as opposed to anti-market). Immanuel Wallerstein helps us understand this part of Braudel very clearly. He suggests that that Braudel makes a clear distinction between “economic life” and “material life.” Economic life moves out of the unconscious routine of the daily life towards a more conscious and active process of the division of labor (Wallerstein, 355). Framed within admittedly fraught distinction between continuous/discontinuous, we can suggest that for Braudel the material life is analog; hence unconscious, though nevertheless full of regularities. Economic life, that is “true capitalist” life, is too then perceivably analog as it is an instrumental, goal-oriented activity of production bounded in the smoothness of consciousness. But indeed, the market is that which interfaces and mediates the economic life into material life. In addition, Wallerstein suggests that Braudel sees that market economy as transparent, whereas material life (below) and economic life (above) are shadowy and opaque, in contrast. However, the zone above, on the other hand, (the economy) the zone of capitalism, was opaque, in this case because capitalists wanted it so. It was a zone in which “certain groups of privileged actors were engaged in circuits and calculations that ordinary people knew nothing of” (Braudel as quoted in Wallerstein, 355). Thus, in this mediation, there is a “blackboxing” of the guts of exchange. The market economy (or the antimarket) does not show the immanent negotiation of the market transaction, and indeed the fixing of the market-price. Price control, which Susan Buck-Morss rightly notes becomes the representational bottom-line of the market (Buck-Morss, 463). <br />
<br />
(The specific definition of the market is rendered even in the layout of the three volumes of Braudel’s Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century.) Against Polanyi, he argues that “the market” as a vital component of the “market economy” is a consolidation, rationalization and even remediation of practices or instruments of exchange, which existed centuries prior to the 15th century, when we see the emergence of the ordinary market (e.g., the farmer’s market). The farmer’s market is characterized by what Braudel labels “immediate exchange,” describing it as such: “goods are sold on the spot, the purchases are taken and paid for there and then. Credit is hardly used…”(Ibid., 29). Immediate exchange had been practiced centuries or millennia before in ancient Greece, classical China, the Americas (Aztecs) and all over Africa. <br />
<br />
==Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange==<br />
In the 15th century, markets were held twice a week in towns and urban centers in theory only. Especially in cities such as Paris, markets were held daily. The twice-a-week rule was not so much an effect of regulation but of necessity, as the surrounding countryside needed time to supply them. During the 17th century, the shift from being held in between town and countryside to being held at the heart of towns, usually in the town squares. As towns continued to grow in size, so did the markets, to the point where the tiny town squares could no longer accommodate the number of vendors coming to sell their goods. Here are Braudel’s words: “And since they [markets] represented modernity on the march, their growth allowed no obstacle to bar their way: they could with impunity impose on their surroundings their congestion, their rubbish and their obstinate gatherings of people” (Braudel, 31). The solution adopted was that of banishing them to the outskirts of town. However, as a reaction against this measure, markets would appear as open spaces would open up, especially seasonally with the freezing over of rivers, on which goods could be brought back and forth via sled. Braudel recounts two such examples—Moscow’s Moscova river and London’s Thames. The latter is most famously represented in the adjoining engraving. <br />
<br />
===Enclosing and Encoding the Market===<br />
Markets existed in very ancient times within a single village or group of villages—the market being a sort of itinerant village, as the fair was a sort of traveling town. But the decisive step in this long history was taken when the town appropriated these little markets. It absorbed them and inflated them to its own dimensions, in return having to accept the demands they made on it. <br />
<br />
The urban markets may have been invented by the Phoenicians. The Greek city-states had a market on the agora. The proliferation of markets beyond the town squares elicited a response by towns to take regulatory measures, the most significant of which was the construction of covered markets (halls or halles), at times surrounded by open-air markets (Braudel, 33). In the 16th century, the towns and cities of England saw a series of markethalls with different names spring up, often at the experience of a wealthy local merchant disposed to be generous. The word halle could mean several things then, from a simple covered market to the mighty buildings and complicated organizations of the Halles which were from a very early date ‘the belly of Paris.’ What is of note is that these were mostly permanent and specialized. London, for example, by 1660, halls had “full-time employees, and a whole complicated administration” (Braudel, 33). The Halles was a huge combination of covered spaces and open spaces, its pillars holding up the arcades of neighboring houses, and surrounded by a bustling commercial life on the fringes of the central market, taking advantage of the disorder and sprawl and creating more of both to its own profit. Additionally, it marked the beginning of the usage of the term “market” as associated with a specific good such as “labor market.” Though it seems like a minor detail in the history of commerce, the covering of markets, we would argue, is a major turning-point or "break boundary" as "the system generated by the artifact suddenly changes into another or passes some point of no return in its dynamic processes" (quoted from Critical Techniques page). Once markets were covered and centralized, we see that the political interventions on markets would follow to delimit the contingent and spontaneous nature of markets. <br />
<br />
With the springing of markets all over various cities, towns began to intervene, once again, through spatial restrictions. London, again, provides a very enlightening example for Braudel. With the London market came the dislocation of the traditional market (public, nothing could be concealed), producer-vendor and buyer-consumer meet face to face. The distance between the two was becoming too great to be traveled by ordinary people. The merchant, or middleman, had already, from at least the thirteenth century, made his appearance in England, as a go-between for town and country, in particular in the corn trade. Gradually, chains of intermediaries were set up between producer and merchant on one hand, and between merchant and retailer on the other; along these chains passed the bulk of the trade in butter, cheese, poultry produce, fruit, vegetables and milk (Braudel, 42). Moreover, beyond goods of produce and industry (mostly crafts), land also became traded on the market. The market is then, in turn, a coterminous concept with “commodity,” as it becomes a facilitating medium for commodities. It becomes the connection, or encoding interface by which the commodity could be transformed from use-value to exchange-value. By encoding, I mean to suggest that the market becomes part of the grammar of commodities in market capitalism. How this functions I would argue is that the market becomes the system of rationality that is able to bring within a bounded geographical and symbolic system, effectively doing away with the barter system of mercantilism, and instating a mode of representation with its unit of measurement being the commodity. After it is enclosed and encoded, the market becomes the sole means by which to exchange, thus acting as a formal prohibition for all economic activity. Markets become the dominant economic media. <br />
The market then is the condition of possibility for commodities, but “the null point of social community (Buck-Morss, 437). Susan Buck-Morss goes so far as to argue that the market then elicits a certain mode of subjectivity that undergirds the market and commodity—the economic actor that is a, harkening back to the Freudian theory of human as a “bundle of instincts,” a “bounded rationality” (Buck-Morss, 466). Bounded rationality for Buck-Morss, is indicative of the effects of market-encoding or market-modeling that points towards the “depersonalization of exchange” (Buck-Morss, 437).<br />
<br />
=Theatricality in the creation of a consuming subject=<br />
<br />
Although there is much disagreement as to when consumer culture emerged fully formed, it is clear that the social transformation that accompanied its arrival required an unprecedented effort to pursuade individuals to consume as a way of life. The combined forces of advertising, branding and strategic exhibition of foreign objects, colluded in an elaborate performance which sought to embed curiosity in consuming subjects eager to witness the magic of a marketplace disrupting traditional social fabric. Although<br />
<br />
=Mail-order=<br />
<br />
=Semiotics in the Liberation of Function from Form=<br />
[[Image:Monument.jpg|right|thumb|Robert Venturi's "Recommendation for a monument" from [[Learning From Las Vegas]], 1972]]<br />
<br />
<br />
''... ours is not the environment for heroic communication through pure architecture. Each medium has its day, and the rhetorical environmental statements of our time – civic, commercial, or residential – will come from media more purely symbolic, perhaps less static and more adaptable to the scale of our environment. The iconography and mixed media of roadside commercial architecture will point the way if we will look. Housing for the elderly on the Oak Street Connector, if it had to be a monument, would have been more economical, socially responsible and amenable as a conventional apartment building,lost by the side of the expressway, with a big sign on top blinking, I AM A MONUMENT. Decoration is cheaper. <br />
<br />
- Robert Venturi,"Learning From Las Vegas," 1972''<br />
<br />
<br />
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[[Image:Vegas strip.jpg|thumb|right|The Upper Strip Looking North]]<br />
[[Image:Normal wedding-chapel-las-vegas.jpg|thumb|right|A Vegas chapel: function legitimated through semiotics]]<br />
<br />
When Robert Venturi looked to the vernacular architecture on the Las Vegas strip in the late 1960's, he saw a resurrection of symbolism in the built environment that had seemed destined for extinction in the wake of architectural modernism. Whereas the Bauhaus' legacy in modernism had stripped buildings of ornament in an attempt to unify form with function, Venturi was amazed to find a Las Vegas strip dotted with generic buildings differentiated only by elaborate ornamental signs designating the unique functions and identities of otherwise identical spaces. <br />
<br />
The Vegas strip not only violated a progression away from decoration (which led many to credit Venturi's text as the first postmodern architectural manifesto) but brought more clearly into focus the impact of the automobile upon architecture that needed to be identified from greater distances over shorter durations of time. Whereas the heroic communication of pure architecture had in the past led to forms and facades which - albeit imperfectly - communicated the activities contained within them, Venturi noted that in a land of highways and commercial strips the same system of (road) signs that enabled standardized navigation of an entire continent also enabled a faster recognition of the buildings and spaces one passed by. The vital necessity of introducing semiotic distinctions between buildings exemplified the spatial distortions that accompany accelerated movement and the distribution of communities across expanding territories.<br />
<br />
Whereas the built environment brought countless aspects of human activity into existence by anchoring them in physical space, what Venturi exposed was the cultural appropriation of semiotic systems to designate spaces whose distinctive architecture had not yet been invented. In his iconic “Recommendation for a monument” his sarcastic suggestion that decoration upon generic form was the most ethical and economic method of design, exposed the complete lack of subtlety in designs that managed to serve specific functions in the absence of architectural innovation. Rather than create a home for new human activity, it was clear that one need only name a space in order for it to serve a specific function. Although modular, multipurpose, space had been realized long ago behind the glass curtain walls of modern skyscapers, after 1972, one could not escape the vulgar conclusion that the space itself was a nostalgic theatre enabling the suspension of disbelief which designated the offices of one box from the warehouse or monument of another.<br />
<br />
In essence, symbolism had invaded space rendering residual communicative modalities in architectural form (the steeple, the column, the storefront) which directed activities within them unnecessary. In a traditional town one might recognize a church by a steeple, and civic institutions by classical architecture – but in Las Vegas one needed only to read a sign that read “CHAPEL” and a marriage could be performed. Resistance to the glass curtain and the modernist box need not be overcome by a radical re-education of a public in modernist aesthetics, but by the complete removal of ambiguity through the ultimate abstraction of the sign. Buildings had entered a realm of mediation, and the Las Vegas strip presented an intermediate phenomenon whereby one could could navigate a foreign landscape and locate a desired service or commodity in spite of all unfamiliarity with the landscape itself. <br />
<br />
Venturi's Monument, like a Vegas chapel, anticipates the remediation of spatial phenomena in immaterial spaces and illustrates that function itself is not material, but something performed by actors engaged in a collective fiction. Once it was plainly clear that all the world was a stage, it followed that with the proper, scripting, semiotic device, the market no longer needed to be a specific locality in order to function as a market.<br />
----<br />
<br />
= Market as Stage: A comparison of three Stock Markets=<br />
<br />
NASDAQ <br />
<br />
On February 8, 1971, a year prior to Venturi's publication of "Learning From Las Vegas," the world witnessed the birth of the first purely electronic stock market, NASDAQ. In contrast to traditional stock markets, NASDAQ's elimination of a trading floor helped to minimize the spread between the bid price and the ask price of a stock through it's computer bulletin board system. Although the market initially did not connect buyers and sellers directly, it presented a successor to over-the-counter finance and introduced a market function that did not depend on person to person trade. NASDAQ initially relied upon the use of telephones to connect buyers, brokers and sellers, yet currently relies upon electronic communication networks. As the world's largest stock market, in terms of companies listed and trades per day, NASDAQ is a functioning market without the spatial enclosure of a market, a product of the information age, and a phenomenon which illuminates the theatrical gestures elsewhere to preserve and exhibit a non-essential spatiality.<br />
<br />
The New York Stock Exchange - Theatrical adherence to an obsolescent culture<br />
<br />
Although the New York Stock exchange no longer engages in over-the-counter trading, its trading floor is a bustling theatre of trading activity. The floor itself might be seen as an obsolescent inefficiency, yet it is worth noting that in dollar volume, the NYSE remains a larger market than the NASDAQ despite having less listings. The NYSE is called a hybrid market because customers are given the choice of whether to send orders for immediate electronic execution or whether to submit an order to the trading floor for trading in the auction market. The preservation of human interaction on the floor itself seems to embody a nostalgia inherent in "the cake mix effect" whereby the efficiency of a sequence is interrupted by redundant steps as a defense from the obsolescence of a sequence understood to have cultural value. The floor is a tradition that is alive and well, yet this phenomenon eludes the mere prerequisite of market function, effectively defending a culture whose continued presence preserves an illusion that the market is still a market.<br />
<br />
<br />
The Shanghai Stock Exchange<br />
<br />
In perhaps the most bizarre isolation of medium from message at a time when the space of a trading floor is obsolescent, the Shanghai Stock Exchange, though entirely electronic like NASDAQ, has a trading floor which serves no market function in performance or otherwise. As a relatively new market, the physicality of a trading floor lends authority to the electronic transactions which occur in reference to it, yet it simultaneously sits as the vacant theatre of a performance which never took place. Whereas the NYSE might be understood as a monument to trading which lays claim to cultural capital and ensures continued longevity, the Shanghai Stock Exchange physical existence seems in contrast to be legitimizing a market dependent upon foreign investors that equate the physical market with a "real" market worthy of investment. The market extends Robert Venturi's visual joke into unexpected territory, announcing "I AM A MARKET" in spite of foreign anxieties which might argue otherwise.<br />
<br />
= The Market as an Object of Representation and Modeling=<br />
This section will look at how the market as an object was subsumed by "the economy," following Timothy Mitchell's argument in his article, "Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century". Mitchell argues that the objectification of the market and the economy is accomplished by economic, econometric, and governmental attempts to keep track of monetary exchange. In other words, measurements of the market serve to constitute the object they seek to measure (Mitchell 2005). Following Mitchell's argument and drawing from Randy Martin's book, ''An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management'', we propose that the death of the market as a media object was accomplished by the same process that made it; measurements of market activity become the condition of possibility for this activity in such a way that measuring and regulatory acts become immanent to actual commodities. Commodities now no longer need the frame of the market to act as a structure, providing the affordances and prohibitions of exchange. Now these regulatory/technical capacities are embedded in commodities such as derivatives and securities, as Randy Martin demonstrates.<br />
<br />
== The Market as an Organic Body ==<br />
<br />
In Braudel's definition of the market, his use of the term "economic life" implies that economic activity is alive, or that it is a site where life happens. Timothy Mitchell finds that dominant ideas of the market before the 1930s treated it as an aggregate of life forces, or "individual utilities" (Mitchell 2005, 129). The Malthusian relationship between land fertility and population size comprised the object of analysis as "an organic world of human settlement, agriculture, and the movement of populations, goods, and wealth" (Mitchell 2005, 128). <br />
<br />
Towards the end of the 1800s, the idea of the market as a separate surface began, but it was not yet a "self-contained sphere, imagined as machine whose internal mechanisms and exchanges separate it from other social processes (Mitchell 2005, 128). Rather, "The object of analysis was made up of forces, conceived as individual utilities, that were assumed to be in balance. The site of this mechanical equilibrium was 'the market'.... As a neutral, planar surface, the market of neoclassical economics had no depth, no dynamic structure, no forces of its own, no 'macro' dimension that could be described apart from the individual utilities that moved across it. It was an inert, unmoving space" (Mitchell 2005, 129). In this characterization, the market was not seen as a system. It was rather a space that could be filled with individual energy; this is quite different from the current idea of "the economy" as a thermodynamic system in which the whole exerts force onto each of the parts. In this older conception of the market, the equilibrium of individual forces was not imposed by a greater whole, but seemed to arise naturally. <br />
<br />
Mitchell argues that the term, "economy" was not used in its contemporary sense, as an object of economic analysis, until it was actually taken as an object of economic analysis by econometrics in the 1930s. This was around the same time John Maynard Keynes began to refer to "the economic system as a whole" (Mitchell 2005, 130). Mitchell characterizes econometrics as "the attempt to create a mathematical representation of the entire economic process as a self-contained and dynamic mechanism" (Mitchell 2005, 131). At this point the dynamism of the economy incorporates or subsumes a collection of markets into itself. Economic processes are seen as a totality and it is possible to distinguish between that which is internal and that which is external to this totality. External forces impact the economy, causing "reverberations throughout the internal machine" (Mitchell 2005, 133). This notion of the economy seems to persist, but perhaps with an important development. It is still understood as a systemic totality, but the external forces that impact it have been subsumed into the economy. It is understood more like an organism than a machine requiring a human laborer.<br />
<br />
== The Market as a Medium ==<br />
<br />
To what extent can the market be characterized as a medium? And, insofar as it is a medium, to what extent can the market be characterized as a ''dead'' medium? <br />
<br />
In order to answer these questions, one must consider different definitions and uses of the word, market. Fernand Braudel defines the market as that which mediates between material life and economic life. This understanding is obsolete because the possibility of mediation requires a prior separation between the two entities--in this case material and economic life--being mediated. A Marxist reading of capitalism, especially as it was taken up by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics, suggests that material and economic life are no longer separate, that the economy has become a condition of possibility for material life, and is therefore immanent to it. The market as a medium in this regard is dead.<br />
<br />
The market can refer to a physical place where commodities are exchanged, as in a marketplace, but it is also a conceptual category used to characterize the aggregate of economic exchange in a given totality, such as "the U.S. market," or of any specific commodity, such as "the housing market". <br />
<br />
The market as a site of buying and selling: To the extent that the market is understood to be a spatial entity, or object, containing/enclosing acts of economic exchange, the market is dead. <br />
<br />
Market as a conceptual category referring to a specific type of commodity that can be bought and sold (i.e., the job market, the stock market). The stipulation is that there has to be more than one seller offering the commodity to at least one buyer. The sellers exist in a market competing for the buyers, who can choose between them. [Is competition alive or dead? Is there any such thing as a "free market"?]<br />
<br />
== The Economy as a Represented Object==<br />
<br />
Timothy Mitchell talks about the economy as an object, an entity, that was constructed by studies of it and attempts to regulate it. This process of regulation sounds like it should be outside of economic activity, but he is saying that it constitutes economic activity. The economy is an object of economics, econometrics, government regulation, etc. In other words, it is an object of calculation and restriction. <br />
<br />
In the 1930s the term "the economy" began to represent an economic whole that included and coordinated markets into one coherent system, delineated by national boundaries.Mitchell, Economists, 126: Mitchell argues that, "...the economy became the object of economic knowledge only quite recently. Not until the 1930s did economists begin to write about an object called the economy, and only by the middle of the century was the term as it is understood today in general use. Second, 'economy' was not just a new word for an existing sphere or underlying substance; its arrival marked the emergence of novel forms of sociotechnical practice that formed and performed the economy as a new object of professional knowledge and political practice."<br />
<br />
== Modes of Representation ==<br />
<br />
A capitalist market needs to have what Timothy Mitchell calls an "apparatus of representation" in order to convert material into abstract capital. Mitchell, Markets, 9: Characterizing de Soto's argument: "The most important difference between successful capitalist economies and the rest of the world lies not in the wealth they possess... but in how that wealth is held." "Representations of material goods transform their value into abstract forms, which can live an 'invisible, parallel life' alongside their physical existnece. The West has invented procedures to create these invisible forms. Individuals in the West can unlock the assets accumulated in physical property, transforming material wealth into abstract capital" (Mitchell, 2006, 9).<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 1-2: "Markets would not work if people were not allowed to exclude things, to leave certain costs or claims out of the calculation, and to deny responsibility for certain consequences. Economic analysis helps organize these exclusions, helps distinguish what can count in the act of exchange from what cannot, what must be paid for and what should not. From this perspective, economics should be analyzed not in terms of the reality it represents (or fails to represent), but in terms of the arrangements and exclusions it helps to produce."<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 3: "Enframing a market does not happen only by employing the methods of classification or calculation that economic theory may provide. The exclusions on which market transactions depend take a variety of forms, and acquire different degrees of force and effectiveness."<br />
<br />
The idea of the "free market" continues to be an ideal of self-regulating economic life not subject to external control. The free market is not just a utopic dream about how the market once was, and might one day be again, but also a mathematical and conceptual abstraction of the current market from all of the factors with which it is implicated. As Mitchell points out, "the idea persists that the market, indeed capitalism in general, has a boundary. The boundary is thought to separate the market from the large areas of material activity and resources that seem to exist beyond its limit" (Mitchell 2007, 5-6).<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 5-6: "Despite the porosity of such arrangements, the idea persists that the market, indeed capitalism in general, has a boundary. The boundary is thought to separate the market from the large areas of material activity and resources that seem to exist beyond its limit. For countries outside the West, the idea of a boundary provides a common way not just to think about these places but to diagnose their problems and design appropriate remedies. Such remedies are increasingly popular. Older ways of approaching non-western development typically referred to different sectors of the economy, such as the traditional and the modern, the rural and the urban, or the agrarian and the industrial. These sectors had moving and sometimes overlapping boundaries. Development could be planned as a series of transitions, in which people and resources were to be moved from one sector to another, or in which the expansion of the market transformed different parts of the economy at different moments. Since the changes occurred over time, the difference between the non-market and the market, or the non-capitalist and the capitalist, represented as much a temporal transition as a territorial one. Today those sorts of temporal-spatial understandings often appear to have been displaced by a much simpler set of proposals: the capitalist economy is surrounded by a boundary, outside which stands the non-capitalist, non-market world. The task of development economics is to help extend the rules of the market into these other spaces."<br />
<br />
THE LINE DEMARCATING CAPITALISM IS THE TERRAIN OF CAPITALISM, Mitchel, Markets, 7: "'''the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism'''."<br />
<br />
ECONOMICS CONTROLS REPRESENTATIONS: Mitchel, Markets, 7: "...in describing what this nonmarket world lacks, neoclassical economics tends to diagnose its defects as an absence of techniques of representation. Things are stuck outside the market because they are not properly represented-- by property records, prices, or other systems of reference. What economic analysis does, however, is not to represent what was previously unrepresented, but to try and reorganize the circulation and control of representations."<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=== Spatial Representation ===<br />
The purpose of any space is determined by both the symbols used to<br />
designate where one is (ie an open for business sign), and the<br />
practices that take place there. In "Learning From Las Vegas," Robert<br />
Venturi takes a close look at how the Vegas Strip (in the late 60's)<br />
consisted of buildings that were differentiated primarily by flashy<br />
signs decorating unoriginal buildings (what he called the "decorated<br />
shed." He traced the phenomenon to the impact of speed on<br />
architecture - mainly that in a landscape where one drives past<br />
buildings, signs enable one to differentiate one space from another at<br />
a faster speed than differentiated architectures could (which is why<br />
signs matter so much for businesses on highways).<br />
<br />
What makes this so interesting is that when semiotics are reintroduced<br />
into architecture, communicating the specific use of a generic space,<br />
buildings enter a mediated realm - And I think that's key here - that<br />
when people believe they're in a market when they see a "market" sign,<br />
it enables the use of a spatial semiotic to successfully mediate the<br />
entire space provided that the same activity occurs - which is really<br />
just to say that the Las Vegas strip is this intermediate phenomenon<br />
whereby we all can find what we want in foreign places, and that's<br />
precisely the mechanism by which we can create a market without the<br />
actual space of a market (a shopping cart icon does the trick!).<br />
<br />
= New Forms =<br />
<br />
The market is traditionally understood to be free in its essence, but subject to external regulation. The notion of the free market is associated with natural life, or life-itself; it is seen as an organic social mode of exchange. In fact, it sort of was at first, but this is dead. Now regulation is embedded in the actual commodities. Capital flows, risks, and price fluctuations, are all coded, rather than the objects. The market as an object, a separate sphere, is dead. It is not life being confined in a space and regulated from the outside; it is rather a collapsing of technical conditions and energy. No longer about matter. No longer about material commodities used by a body.<br />
<br />
<br />
== From Citizen to Private Investor ==<br />
<br />
=== Personalized Advertising ===<br />
<br />
<br />
== The Death of Equilibrium/Equilibrium as Death ==<br />
<br />
Randy Martin looks at U.S.'s switch from creditor to debtor nation in the 1980s. Consumption without production. Risk becomes a sign of strength and power and security a sign of weakness (Martin, 28). Then debt gets repackaged as securities. Went off gold standard. "Now monetary movement was being freed to spread the wealth. Equilibrium-- key to Bretton Woods and early monetarist currency controls-- was no longer a condition of exchange. The dollar's spread, the expansion of debt and speculation, fostered disequilibrium and its attendant risks as a new horizon of opportunity. Fixing exchange to a physical standard perpetuated the image of the economy as a closed system. It could grow in proportion to the balance of inputs and outputs" (Martin, 29).<br />
<br />
The organic model of the economy as a closed system: "An economy could become overheated and melt down or explode. The social sciences more generally were predicated on this image of a closed system. The system adapted to internal strains by growth and differentiation. It maintained boundaries, kept out threatening uncertainties, and externalized unintended consequences from its internal decisions" (Martin, 28-29). <br />
<br />
"As financial reason overtook the system-based moral and political economy, as the investor who knows no country elbowed out the consumer-citizen of the nation-state, the organic closed system, result of the social sciences' unacknowledged metaphorizing of the social, was morphing into a different kind of beast" (Martin, 29).<br />
<br />
=== Futurity in the Present ===<br />
<br />
Branding: "In its infinite differentiation of product ranges, branding plays with a combination of familiarity plus novelty, a ''past-futurity''. New memories installed that you have not phenomenologically experienced in order to produce a certain receptivity to brand triggers" (Parisi and Goodman, 2006).<br />
<br />
=== Coding of Risk, Instability ===<br />
<br />
How to understand market activity after the traditional market dies. Instead of coding commodities as valuable (Mitchell, 2007), Randy Martin argues that capitalism is following a financial logic, which extracts value from predicting future price fluctuations, interest rates, exchange rates, and packages this risk into new kinds of commodities, such as derivatives and securities.<br />
<br />
"Properly ascertained risk, not growth per se, is what yields rewards. The trade in risk avoidance devolves into a profit on risk itself" (Martin, 33).<br />
<br />
==== Derivatives ====<br />
<br />
A derivative is a contract on "some variation in price" (Martin, 31). EXAMPLE: "a firm selling a product overseas that will not be deliverable for several years will create a contract to fix currency exchange rates for the time when the product is finished. The expected difference between current and future exchange rates can then be sold as a separate commodity" (Martin, 31). "A similar contract could hedge against a change in interest rates, or the price of raw materials, or delivery costs" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
<br />
"Derivatives remove reference from the commodity. They allow debt to serve as a productive medium from which countless commodities can be spawned. Derivatives are promissory notes issued between firms. They represent a prime vehicle with which industrial corporations undertake the function of banks by engaging in financial services." (Martin, 31)<br />
<br />
"The derivative is a sign of the shift in the beneficiaries of development from populations or nations to other economic actors. Those who can steward risk will advance....The capacity for financial decision making trumps democratic involvement to decide political representation" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
==== Securities ====<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
Braudel, Fernand. 1982. The wheels of commerce. New York: Harper & Row.<br />
<br />
Buck-Morss, Susan. Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display. Critical Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter, 1995), pp. 434-467. The University of Chicago Press<br />
<br />
Clough, Patricia, et. al. Notes Towards a Theory of Affect Itself.<br />
<br />
Jameson Fredric, “Culture and Finance Capital,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1, (1997 ), pp. 246-265. <br />
<br />
Martin, Randy. 2007. And Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management. Durham and London: Duke University Press.<br />
<br />
Massumi, Brian. The Future Birth of the Affective Fact. DATE JOURNAL<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. 2005. Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century. ''The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences: Positivism and its Epistemological Others'', edited by George Steinmetz.<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. [From an early version of the following paper.] 2007. The Properties of Markets. ''Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics''. Edited by Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />
<br />
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Braudel on Capitalism, or Everything Upside Down” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 2, A Special Issue on Modern France (Jun., 1991), pp. 354-361</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=The_Market&diff=4574The Market2008-04-16T15:44:50Z<p>Samhan: /* Enclosing and Encoding the Market */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Image:Shopping Cart.jpg]]<br />
<br />
In this dossier's engagement with the intersection of the built and mediated environment, we interpret Marshall Mcluhan's argument that the remediation process whereby one medium survives as the content of another is the preservation of a distinct ''function'' in the midst of informatic and material transformation. This is not to suggest any predetermined trajectory of cultural obsolescence whereby a pre-existing function is stripped of cultural obstacles in its way, but rather to note that, ''in hindsight, content's transformative mechanism of appropriation enables us to examine behavioral systems, and the environment that housed them, as dead media,'' and that such dead media provide insights into a story of the concentration and distillation of culture into the symbolic content of later media which house cultural remains. <br />
<br />
Within the larger discussion of critical techniques this Archive attempts to employ, this dossier might also best be understood as an attempt to bridge our understanding of the isolation of <br />
medium from message (in the hermes model) with our understanding of the communicative properties of materials which exhibit no such fragmentation (in the iris model), as well as the rhizomatic, independent, message function that, in its ubiquitous employabilty, conforms to no specific medium (the furies model). Far from suggesting an evolutionary hierarchy towards the immaterial, the market may, however, provide deeper insights into our understanding of the remediating processes at work in each of the three. <br />
<br />
We trace the process whereby the concentration of trading behavior and its eventual standardization was enabled by its enclosure in the space of the market, and the processes whereby this concentration separated market activity from a distinct built environment, isolating a function which is non-physical and anticipates the remediation of the market in the scripting content of immaterial spaces. Although we make no attempt to argue that physical market sites no longer exist, we do attempt to expose the informatic and material shifts that have obsolesced such physical environments, rendering the built environments that remain stages which serve a social function that is, in itself, a commodity. Although we attempt to identify the legacy of this fragmentation in the built environment and in the spaces which now bear witness to the market function in unexpected forms, we hope that future contributions will enrich and complicate the conceptual and mediatic transformations that accompanied the resurrection of symbolism in architecture.<br />
<br />
[[Image:Colourful shopping carts.jpg|thumb|right| What was once a spatial locality with a distinct form and use is now pure function with no distinct materiality]] [[Image:TUR1491SpiceBazaar.jpg]] <br />
<br />
=The History of Exchange= <br />
<br />
==What is a market?==<br />
1.All of types of exchange that go beyond self-sufficiency, of all the wheels of trade, large and small, that we have described, of all the categories relating to trading areas (urban market, national market) or to a given product (the market in sugar, precious metals, spices etc.). In this sense the word is the equivalent of exchange, circulation and distribution. <br />
<br />
2.Large broad form of exchange, also known as market economy. <br />
<br />
==The Market in Capitalism==<br />
To posit a pre-“anything” is to argue an implicit periodization of a concept. And undoubtedly, to suggest that there was a mode of representation or media such as “the market” so entrenched within the cultural values and practices of capitalism that preceded it, would also then require some explaining. Thankfully, in this task, we follow historian Fernand Braudel, who has undertaken massive volumes of study in this area. The trajectory of Braudel’s project, in line with his Annales colleagues more generally, is to provide a historiography of capitalism does not reify the very object of analysis—the ever-expanding, seemingly amoebic process called capitalism, which Marx himself referred to as comparable to “queer things abounding.” The danger would be to overlook how the market embodies the shifting historic-economic transition from merchant to industrial to finance capitalism. <br />
<br />
With respect to Marx and the present study at hand, it could be argued that Marx dealt the strongest blow the concept of the market as a fixed, spatial location of exchange; so why even proceed? Well, indeed, “the market” as a spatial category very much plays a large part in various spheres of life, most pressingly the cultural, social and political. Moreover, many scholars, Frederic Jameson most famously, have even suggested that the economic has fallen to the level of culture (See Jameson). In such arguments, there is an assumed de-differentiation of previously separate spheres. The guiding question in this section will be (roughly): How did the market become differentiated in the first place? <br />
<br />
==The Market as Interface of Digital and Analog==<br />
Braudel makes a distinction between “material life” and “economic life,” suggesting that the market, stalls and shops form a discontinuous contact surface between the two. By “material life” he means the most elementary, autarkic societies and by “economic life” he means commerce, currencies, and exchanges (Braudel, 21). Hence, the market is a medium in the sense that it translates the “non-economy, imprisoned within self-sufficiency” to the level of “exchange-“or “market-value.” The discontinuity, for Braudel, is clearly rooted his positing some sort of non-economy that precedes full-blown capitalism. In other words, Braudel envisions precapitalist market as being discontinuous and spontaneous whereas the “true capitalist” market becomes continuous and permanently reified as “the market.” Is this distinction between discontinuity and continuity also that of digital and analog? Here, it can be argued that Braudel’s point is a bit nostalgic. That is to say, that Braudel’s overarching project to delink what he calls “economic life” from capitalism, which he sometimes refers to as “true capitalism”(Wallerstein, 354) necessitates a level of fixity in what he calls a market (as opposed to anti-market). Immanuel Wallerstein helps us understand this part of Braudel very clearly. He suggests that that Braudel makes a clear distinction between “economic life” and “material life.” Economic life moves out of the unconscious routine of the daily life towards a more conscious and active process of the division of labor (Wallerstein, 355). Framed within admittedly fraught distinction between continuous/discontinuous, we can suggest that for Braudel the material life is analog; hence unconscious, though nevertheless full of regularities. Economic life, that is “true capitalist” life, is too then perceivably analog as it is an instrumental, goal-oriented activity of production bounded in the smoothness of consciousness. But indeed, the market is that which interfaces and mediates the economic life into material life. In addition, Wallerstein suggests that Braudel sees that market economy as transparent, whereas material life (below) and economic life (above) are shadowy and opaque, in contrast. However, the zone above, on the other hand, (the economy) the zone of capitalism, was opaque, in this case because capitalists wanted it so. It was a zone in which “certain groups of privileged actors were engaged in circuits and calculations that ordinary people knew nothing of” (Braudel as quoted in Wallerstein, 355). Thus, in this mediation, there is a “blackboxing” of the guts of exchange. The market economy (or the antimarket) does not show the immanent negotiation of the market transaction, and indeed the fixing of the market-price. Price control, which Susan Buck-Morss rightly notes becomes the representational bottom-line of the market (Buck-Morss, 463). <br />
<br />
(The specific definition of the market is rendered even in the layout of the three volumes of Braudel’s Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century.) Against Polanyi, he argues that “the market” as a vital component of the “market economy” is a consolidation, rationalization and even remediation of practices or instruments of exchange, which existed centuries prior to the 15th century, when we see the emergence of the ordinary market (e.g., the farmer’s market). The farmer’s market is characterized by what Braudel labels “immediate exchange,” describing it as such: “goods are sold on the spot, the purchases are taken and paid for there and then. Credit is hardly used…”(Ibid., 29). Immediate exchange had been practiced centuries or millennia before in ancient Greece, classical China, the Americas (Aztecs) and all over Africa. <br />
<br />
==Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange==<br />
In the 15th century, markets were held twice a week in towns and urban centers in theory only. Especially in cities such as Paris, markets were held daily. The twice-a-week rule was not so much an effect of regulation but of necessity, as the surrounding countryside needed time to supply them. During the 17th century, the shift from being held in between town and countryside to being held at the heart of towns, usually in the town squares. As towns continued to grow in size, so did the markets, to the point where the tiny town squares could no longer accommodate the number of vendors coming to sell their goods. Here are Braudel’s words: “And since they [markets] represented modernity on the march, their growth allowed no obstacle to bar their way: they could with impunity impose on their surroundings their congestion, their rubbish and their obstinate gatherings of people” (Braudel, 31). The solution adopted was that of banishing them to the outskirts of town. However, as a reaction against this measure, markets would appear as open spaces would open up, especially seasonally with the freezing over of rivers, on which goods could be brought back and forth via sled. Braudel recounts two such examples—Moscow’s Moscova river and London’s Thames. The latter is most famously represented in the adjoining engraving. <br />
<br />
===Enclosing and Encoding the Market===<br />
Markets existed in very ancient times within a single village or group of villages—the market being a sort of itinerant village, as the fair was a sort of traveling town. But the decisive step in this long history was taken when the town appropriated these little markets. It absorbed them and inflated them to its own dimensions, in return having to accept the demands they made on it. <br />
<br />
The urban markets may have been invented by the Phoenicians. The Greek city-states had a market on the agora. The proliferation of markets beyond the town squares elicited a response by towns to take regulatory measures, the most significant of which was the construction of covered markets (halls or halles), at times surrounded by open-air markets (Braudel, 33). In the 16th century, the towns and cities of England saw a series of markethalls with different names spring up, often at the experience of a wealthy local merchant disposed to be generous. The word halle could mean several things then, from a simple covered market to the mighty buildings and complicated organizations of the Halles which were from a very early date ‘the belly of Paris.’ What is of note is that these were mostly permanent and specialized. London, for example, by 1660, halls had “full-time employees, and a whole complicated administration” (Braudel, 33). The Halles was a huge combination of covered spaces and open spaces, its pillars holding up the arcades of neighboring houses, and surrounded by a bustling commercial life on the fringes of the central market, taking advantage of the disorder and sprawl and creating more of both to its own profit. Additionally, it marked the beginning of the usage of the term “market” as associated with a specific good such as “labor market.” Though it seems like a minor detail in the history of commerce, the covering of markets, we would argue, is a major turning-point or "break boundary" as "the system generated by the artifact suddenly changes into another or passes some point of no return in its dynamic processes" (quoted from Critical Techniques page). Once markets were covered and centralized, we see that the political interventions on markets would follow to delimit the contingent and spontaneous nature of markets. <br />
<br />
With the springing of markets all over various cities, towns began to intervene, once again, through spatial restrictions. London, again, provides a very enlightening example for Braudel. With the London market came the dislocation of the traditional market (public, nothing could be concealed), producer-vendor and buyer-consumer meet face to face. The distance between the two was becoming too great to be traveled by ordinary people. The merchant, or middleman, had already, from at least the thirteenth century, made his appearance in England, as a go-between for town and country, in particular in the corn trade. Gradually, chains of intermediaries were set up between producer and merchant on one hand, and between merchant and retailer on the other; along these chains passed the bulk of the trade in butter, cheese, poultry produce, fruit, vegetables and milk (Braudel, 42). Moreover, beyond goods of produce and industry (mostly crafts), land also became traded on the market. The market is then, in turn, a coterminous concept with “commodity,” as it becomes a facilitating medium for commodities. It becomes the connection, or encoding interface by which the commodity could be transformed from use-value to exchange-value. By encoding, I mean to suggest that the market becomes part of the grammar of commodities in market capitalism. How this functions I would argue is that the market becomes the system of rationality that is able to bring within a bounded geographical and symbolic system, effectively doing away with the barter system of mercantilism, and instating a mode of representation with its unit of measurement being the commodity. After it is enclosed and encoded, the market becomes the sole means by which to exchange, thus acting as a formal prohibition for all economic activity. Markets become the dominant economic media. <br />
The market then is the condition of possibility for commodities, but “the null point of social community (Buck-Morss, 437). Susan Buck-Morss goes so far as to argue that the market then elicits a certain mode of subjectivity that undergirds the market and commodity—the economic actor that is a, harkening back to the Freudian theory of human as a “bundle of instincts,” a “bounded rationality” (Buck-Morss, 466). Bounded rationality for Buck-Morss, is indicative of the effects of market-encoding or market-modeling that points towards the “depersonalization of exchange” (Buck-Morss, 437).<br />
<br />
=Theatricality in the creation of a consuming subject=<br />
<br />
Although there is much disagreement as to when consumer culture emerged fully formed, it is clear that the social transformation that accompanied its arrival required an unprecedented effort to pursuade individuals to consume as a way of life. The combined forces of advertising, branding and strategic exhibition of foreign objects, colluded in an elaborate performance which sought to embed curiosity in consuming subjects eager to witness the magic of a marketplace disrupting traditional social fabric. Although<br />
<br />
=Mail-order=<br />
<br />
=Semiotics in the Liberation of Function from Form=<br />
[[Image:Monument.jpg|right|thumb|Robert Venturi's "Recommendation for a monument" from [[Learning From Las Vegas]], 1972]]<br />
<br />
<br />
''... ours is not the environment for heroic communication through pure architecture. Each medium has its day, and the rhetorical environmental statements of our time – civic, commercial, or residential – will come from media more purely symbolic, perhaps less static and more adaptable to the scale of our environment. The iconography and mixed media of roadside commercial architecture will point the way if we will look. Housing for the elderly on the Oak Street Connector, if it had to be a monument, would have been more economical, socially responsible and amenable as a conventional apartment building,lost by the side of the expressway, with a big sign on top blinking, I AM A MONUMENT. Decoration is cheaper. <br />
<br />
- Robert Venturi,"Learning From Las Vegas," 1972''<br />
<br />
<br />
----<br />
[[Image:Vegas strip.jpg|thumb|right|The Upper Strip Looking North]]<br />
[[Image:Normal wedding-chapel-las-vegas.jpg|thumb|right|A Vegas chapel: function legitimated through semiotics]]<br />
<br />
When Robert Venturi looked to the vernacular architecture on the Las Vegas strip in the late 1960's, he saw a resurrection of symbolism in the built environment that had seemed destined for extinction in the wake of architectural modernism. Whereas the Bauhaus' legacy in modernism had stripped buildings of ornament in an attempt to unify form with function, Venturi was amazed to find a Las Vegas strip dotted with generic buildings differentiated only by elaborate ornamental signs designating the unique functions and identities of otherwise identical spaces. <br />
<br />
The Vegas strip not only violated a progression away from decoration (which led many to credit Venturi's text as the first postmodern architectural manifesto) but brought more clearly into focus the impact of the automobile upon architecture that needed to be identified from greater distances over shorter durations of time. Whereas the heroic communication of pure architecture had in the past led to forms and facades which - albeit imperfectly - communicated the activities contained within them, Venturi noted that in a land of highways and commercial strips the same system of (road) signs that enabled standardized navigation of an entire continent also enabled a faster recognition of the buildings and spaces one passed by. The vital necessity of introducing semiotic distinctions between buildings exemplified the spatial distortions that accompany accelerated movement and the distribution of communities across expanding territories.<br />
<br />
Whereas the built environment brought countless aspects of human activity into existence by anchoring them in physical space, what Venturi exposed was the cultural appropriation of semiotic systems to designate spaces whose distinctive architecture had not yet been invented. In his iconic “Recommendation for a monument” his sarcastic suggestion that decoration upon generic form was the most ethical and economic method of design, exposed the complete lack of subtlety in designs that managed to serve specific functions in the absence of architectural innovation. Rather than create a home for new human activity, it was clear that one need only name a space in order for it to serve a specific function. Although modular, multipurpose, space had been realized long ago behind the glass curtain walls of modern skyscapers, after 1972, one could not escape the vulgar conclusion that the space itself was a nostalgic theatre enabling the suspension of disbelief which designated the offices of one box from the warehouse or monument of another.<br />
<br />
In essence, symbolism had invaded space rendering residual communicative modalities in architectural form (the steeple, the column, the storefront) which directed activities within them unnecessary. In a traditional town one might recognize a church by a steeple, and civic institutions by classical architecture – but in Las Vegas one needed only to read a sign that read “CHAPEL” and a marriage could be performed. Resistance to the glass curtain and the modernist box need not be overcome by a radical re-education of a public in modernist aesthetics, but by the complete removal of ambiguity through the ultimate abstraction of the sign. Buildings had entered a realm of mediation, and the Las Vegas strip presented an intermediate phenomenon whereby one could could navigate a foreign landscape and locate a desired service or commodity in spite of all unfamiliarity with the landscape itself. <br />
<br />
Venturi's Monument, like a Vegas chapel, anticipates the remediation of spatial phenomena in immaterial spaces and illustrates that function itself is not material, but something performed by actors engaged in a collective fiction. Once it was plainly clear that all the world was a stage, it followed that with the proper, scripting, semiotic device, the market no longer needed to be a specific locality in order to function as a market.<br />
----<br />
<br />
= Market as Stage: A comparison of three Stock Markets=<br />
<br />
NASDAQ <br />
<br />
On February 8, 1971, a year prior to Venturi's publication of "Learning From Las Vegas," the world witnessed the birth of the first purely electronic stock market, NASDAQ. In contrast to traditional stock markets, NASDAQ's elimination of a trading floor helped to minimize the spread between the bid price and the ask price of a stock through it's computer bulletin board system. Although the market initially did not connect buyers and sellers directly, it presented a successor to over-the-counter finance and introduced a market function that did not depend on person to person trade. NASDAQ initially relied upon the use of telephones to connect buyers, brokers and sellers, yet currently relies upon electronic communication networks. As the world's largest stock market, in terms of companies listed and trades per day, NASDAQ is a functioning market without the spatial enclosure of a market, a product of the information age, and a phenomenon which illuminates the theatrical gestures elsewhere to preserve and exhibit a non-essential spatiality.<br />
<br />
The New York Stock Exchange - Theatrical adherence to an obsolescent culture<br />
<br />
Although the New York Stock exchange no longer engages in over-the-counter trading, its trading floor is a bustling theatre of trading activity. The floor itself might be seen as an obsolescent inefficiency, yet it is worth noting that in dollar volume, the NYSE remains a larger market than the NASDAQ despite having less listings. The NYSE is called a hybrid market because customers are given the choice of whether to send orders for immediate electronic execution or whether to submit an order to the trading floor for trading in the auction market. The preservation of human interaction on the floor itself seems to embody a nostalgia inherent in "the cake mix effect" whereby the efficiency of a sequence is interrupted by redundant steps as a defense from the obsolescence of a sequence understood to have cultural value. The floor is a tradition that is alive and well, yet this phenomenon eludes the mere prerequisite of market function, effectively defending a culture whose continued presence preserves an illusion that the market is still a market.<br />
<br />
<br />
The Shanghai Stock Exchange<br />
<br />
In perhaps the most bizarre isolation of medium from message at a time when the space of a trading floor is obsolescent, the Shanghai Stock Exchange, though entirely electronic like NASDAQ, has a trading floor which serves no market function in performance or otherwise. As a relatively new market, the physicality of a trading floor lends authority to the electronic transactions which occur in reference to it, yet it simultaneously sits as the vacant theatre of a performance which never took place. Whereas the NYSE might be understood as a monument to trading which lays claim to cultural capital and ensures continued longevity, the Shanghai Stock Exchange physical existence seems in contrast to be legitimizing a market dependent upon foreign investors that equate the physical market with a "real" market worthy of investment. The market extends Robert Venturi's visual joke into unexpected territory, announcing "I AM A MARKET" in spite of foreign anxieties which might argue otherwise.<br />
<br />
= The Market as an Object of Representation and Modeling=<br />
This section will look at how the market as an object was subsumed by "the economy," following Timothy Mitchell's argument in his article, "Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century". Mitchell argues that the objectification of the market and the economy is accomplished by economic, econometric, and governmental attempts to keep track of monetary exchange. In other words, measurements of the market serve to constitute the object they seek to measure (Mitchell 2005). Following Mitchell's argument and drawing from Randy Martin's book, ''An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management'', we propose that the death of the market as a media object was accomplished by the same process that made it; measurements of market activity become the condition of possibility for this activity in such a way that measuring and regulatory acts become immanent to actual commodities. Commodities now no longer need the frame of the market to act as a structure, providing the affordances and prohibitions of exchange. Now these regulatory/technical capacities are embedded in commodities such as derivatives and securities, as Randy Martin demonstrates.<br />
<br />
== The Market as an Organic Body ==<br />
<br />
In Braudel's definition of the market, his use of the term "economic life" implies that economic activity is alive, or that it is a site where life happens. Timothy Mitchell finds that dominant ideas of the market before the 1930s treated it as an aggregate of life forces, or "individual utilities" (Mitchell 2005, 129). The Malthusian relationship between land fertility and population size comprised the object of analysis as "an organic world of human settlement, agriculture, and the movement of populations, goods, and wealth" (Mitchell 2005, 128). <br />
<br />
Towards the end of the 1800s, the idea of the market as a separate surface began, but it was not yet a "self-contained sphere, imagined as machine whose internal mechanisms and exchanges separate it from other social processes (Mitchell 2005, 128). Rather, "The object of analysis was made up of forces, conceived as individual utilities, that were assumed to be in balance. The site of this mechanical equilibrium was 'the market'.... As a neutral, planar surface, the market of neoclassical economics had no depth, no dynamic structure, no forces of its own, no 'macro' dimension that could be described apart from the individual utilities that moved across it. It was an inert, unmoving space" (Mitchell 2005, 129). In this characterization, the market was not seen as a system. It was rather a space that could be filled with individual energy; this is quite different from the current idea of "the economy" as a thermodynamic system in which the whole exerts force onto each of the parts. In this older conception of the market, the equilibrium of individual forces was not imposed by a greater whole, but seemed to arise naturally. <br />
<br />
Mitchell argues that the term, "economy" was not used in its contemporary sense, as an object of economic analysis, until it was actually taken as an object of economic analysis by econometrics in the 1930s. This was around the same time John Maynard Keynes began to refer to "the economic system as a whole" (Mitchell 2005, 130). Mitchell characterizes econometrics as "the attempt to create a mathematical representation of the entire economic process as a self-contained and dynamic mechanism" (Mitchell 2005, 131). At this point the dynamism of the economy incorporates or subsumes a collection of markets into itself. Economic processes are seen as a totality and it is possible to distinguish between that which is internal and that which is external to this totality. External forces impact the economy, causing "reverberations throughout the internal machine" (Mitchell 2005, 133). This notion of the economy seems to persist, but perhaps with an important development. It is still understood as a systemic totality, but the external forces that impact it have been subsumed into the economy. It is understood more like an organism than a machine requiring a human laborer.<br />
<br />
== The Market as a Medium ==<br />
<br />
To what extent can the market be characterized as a medium? And, insofar as it is a medium, to what extent can the market be characterized as a ''dead'' medium? <br />
<br />
In order to answer these questions, one must consider different definitions and uses of the word, market. Fernand Braudel defines the market as that which mediates between material life and economic life. This understanding is obsolete because the possibility of mediation requires a prior separation between the two entities--in this case material and economic life--being mediated. A Marxist reading of capitalism, especially as it was taken up by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics, suggests that material and economic life are no longer separate, that the economy has become a condition of possibility for material life, and is therefore immanent to it. The market as a medium in this regard is dead.<br />
<br />
The market can refer to a physical place where commodities are exchanged, as in a marketplace, but it is also a conceptual category used to characterize the aggregate of economic exchange in a given totality, such as "the U.S. market," or of any specific commodity, such as "the housing market". <br />
<br />
The market as a site of buying and selling: To the extent that the market is understood to be a spatial entity, or object, containing/enclosing acts of economic exchange, the market is dead. <br />
<br />
Market as a conceptual category referring to a specific type of commodity that can be bought and sold (i.e., the job market, the stock market). The stipulation is that there has to be more than one seller offering the commodity to at least one buyer. The sellers exist in a market competing for the buyers, who can choose between them. [Is competition alive or dead? Is there any such thing as a "free market"?]<br />
<br />
== The Economy as a Represented Object==<br />
<br />
Timothy Mitchell talks about the economy as an object, an entity, that was constructed by studies of it and attempts to regulate it. This process of regulation sounds like it should be outside of economic activity, but he is saying that it constitutes economic activity. The economy is an object of economics, econometrics, government regulation, etc. In other words, it is an object of calculation and restriction. <br />
<br />
In the 1930s the term "the economy" began to represent an economic whole that included and coordinated markets into one coherent system, delineated by national boundaries.Mitchell, Economists, 126: Mitchell argues that, "...the economy became the object of economic knowledge only quite recently. Not until the 1930s did economists begin to write about an object called the economy, and only by the middle of the century was the term as it is understood today in general use. Second, 'economy' was not just a new word for an existing sphere or underlying substance; its arrival marked the emergence of novel forms of sociotechnical practice that formed and performed the economy as a new object of professional knowledge and political practice."<br />
<br />
== Modes of Representation ==<br />
<br />
A capitalist market needs to have what Timothy Mitchell calls an "apparatus of representation" in order to convert material into abstract capital. Mitchell, Markets, 9: Characterizing de Soto's argument: "The most important difference between successful capitalist economies and the rest of the world lies not in the wealth they possess... but in how that wealth is held." "Representations of material goods transform their value into abstract forms, which can live an 'invisible, parallel life' alongside their physical existnece. The West has invented procedures to create these invisible forms. Individuals in the West can unlock the assets accumulated in physical property, transforming material wealth into abstract capital" (Mitchell, 2006, 9).<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 1-2: "Markets would not work if people were not allowed to exclude things, to leave certain costs or claims out of the calculation, and to deny responsibility for certain consequences. Economic analysis helps organize these exclusions, helps distinguish what can count in the act of exchange from what cannot, what must be paid for and what should not. From this perspective, economics should be analyzed not in terms of the reality it represents (or fails to represent), but in terms of the arrangements and exclusions it helps to produce."<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 3: "Enframing a market does not happen only by employing the methods of classification or calculation that economic theory may provide. The exclusions on which market transactions depend take a variety of forms, and acquire different degrees of force and effectiveness."<br />
<br />
The idea of the "free market" continues to be an ideal of self-regulating economic life not subject to external control. The free market is not just a utopic dream about how the market once was, and might one day be again, but also a mathematical and conceptual abstraction of the current market from all of the factors with which it is implicated. As Mitchell points out, "the idea persists that the market, indeed capitalism in general, has a boundary. The boundary is thought to separate the market from the large areas of material activity and resources that seem to exist beyond its limit" (Mitchell 2007, 5-6).<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 5-6: "Despite the porosity of such arrangements, the idea persists that the market, indeed capitalism in general, has a boundary. The boundary is thought to separate the market from the large areas of material activity and resources that seem to exist beyond its limit. For countries outside the West, the idea of a boundary provides a common way not just to think about these places but to diagnose their problems and design appropriate remedies. Such remedies are increasingly popular. Older ways of approaching non-western development typically referred to different sectors of the economy, such as the traditional and the modern, the rural and the urban, or the agrarian and the industrial. These sectors had moving and sometimes overlapping boundaries. Development could be planned as a series of transitions, in which people and resources were to be moved from one sector to another, or in which the expansion of the market transformed different parts of the economy at different moments. Since the changes occurred over time, the difference between the non-market and the market, or the non-capitalist and the capitalist, represented as much a temporal transition as a territorial one. Today those sorts of temporal-spatial understandings often appear to have been displaced by a much simpler set of proposals: the capitalist economy is surrounded by a boundary, outside which stands the non-capitalist, non-market world. The task of development economics is to help extend the rules of the market into these other spaces."<br />
<br />
THE LINE DEMARCATING CAPITALISM IS THE TERRAIN OF CAPITALISM, Mitchel, Markets, 7: "'''the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism'''."<br />
<br />
ECONOMICS CONTROLS REPRESENTATIONS: Mitchel, Markets, 7: "...in describing what this nonmarket world lacks, neoclassical economics tends to diagnose its defects as an absence of techniques of representation. Things are stuck outside the market because they are not properly represented-- by property records, prices, or other systems of reference. What economic analysis does, however, is not to represent what was previously unrepresented, but to try and reorganize the circulation and control of representations."<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=== Spatial Representation ===<br />
The purpose of any space is determined by both the symbols used to<br />
designate where one is (ie an open for business sign), and the<br />
practices that take place there. In "Learning From Las Vegas," Robert<br />
Venturi takes a close look at how the Vegas Strip (in the late 60's)<br />
consisted of buildings that were differentiated primarily by flashy<br />
signs decorating unoriginal buildings (what he called the "decorated<br />
shed." He traced the phenomenon to the impact of speed on<br />
architecture - mainly that in a landscape where one drives past<br />
buildings, signs enable one to differentiate one space from another at<br />
a faster speed than differentiated architectures could (which is why<br />
signs matter so much for businesses on highways).<br />
<br />
What makes this so interesting is that when semiotics are reintroduced<br />
into architecture, communicating the specific use of a generic space,<br />
buildings enter a mediated realm - And I think that's key here - that<br />
when people believe they're in a market when they see a "market" sign,<br />
it enables the use of a spatial semiotic to successfully mediate the<br />
entire space provided that the same activity occurs - which is really<br />
just to say that the Las Vegas strip is this intermediate phenomenon<br />
whereby we all can find what we want in foreign places, and that's<br />
precisely the mechanism by which we can create a market without the<br />
actual space of a market (a shopping cart icon does the trick!).<br />
<br />
= New Forms =<br />
<br />
The market is traditionally understood to be free in its essence, but subject to external regulation. The notion of the free market is associated with natural life, or life-itself; it is seen as an organic social mode of exchange. In fact, it sort of was at first, but this is dead. Now regulation is embedded in the actual commodities. Capital flows, risks, and price fluctuations, are all coded, rather than the objects. The market as an object, a separate sphere, is dead. It is not life being confined in a space and regulated from the outside; it is rather a collapsing of technical conditions and energy. No longer about matter. No longer about material commodities used by a body.<br />
<br />
<br />
== From Citizen to Private Investor ==<br />
<br />
=== Personalized Advertising ===<br />
<br />
<br />
== The Death of Equilibrium/Equilibrium as Death ==<br />
<br />
Randy Martin looks at U.S.'s switch from creditor to debtor nation in the 1980s. Consumption without production. Risk becomes a sign of strength and power and security a sign of weakness (Martin, 28). Then debt gets repackaged as securities. Went off gold standard. "Now monetary movement was being freed to spread the wealth. Equilibrium-- key to Bretton Woods and early monetarist currency controls-- was no longer a condition of exchange. The dollar's spread, the expansion of debt and speculation, fostered disequilibrium and its attendant risks as a new horizon of opportunity. Fixing exchange to a physical standard perpetuated the image of the economy as a closed system. It could grow in proportion to the balance of inputs and outputs" (Martin, 29).<br />
<br />
The organic model of the economy as a closed system: "An economy could become overheated and melt down or explode. The social sciences more generally were predicated on this image of a closed system. The system adapted to internal strains by growth and differentiation. It maintained boundaries, kept out threatening uncertainties, and externalized unintended consequences from its internal decisions" (Martin, 28-29). <br />
<br />
"As financial reason overtook the system-based moral and political economy, as the investor who knows no country elbowed out the consumer-citizen of the nation-state, the organic closed system, result of the social sciences' unacknowledged metaphorizing of the social, was morphing into a different kind of beast" (Martin, 29).<br />
<br />
=== Futurity in the Present ===<br />
<br />
Branding: "In its infinite differentiation of product ranges, branding plays with a combination of familiarity plus novelty, a ''past-futurity''. New memories installed that you have not phenomenologically experienced in order to produce a certain receptivity to brand triggers" (Parisi and Goodman, 2006).<br />
<br />
=== Coding of Risk, Instability ===<br />
<br />
How to understand market activity after the traditional market dies. Instead of coding commodities as valuable (Mitchell, 2007), Randy Martin argues that capitalism is following a financial logic, which extracts value from predicting future price fluctuations, interest rates, exchange rates, and packages this risk into new kinds of commodities, such as derivatives and securities.<br />
<br />
"Properly ascertained risk, not growth per se, is what yields rewards. The trade in risk avoidance devolves into a profit on risk itself" (Martin, 33).<br />
<br />
==== Derivatives ====<br />
<br />
A derivative is a contract on "some variation in price" (Martin, 31). EXAMPLE: "a firm selling a product overseas that will not be deliverable for several years will create a contract to fix currency exchange rates for the time when the product is finished. The expected difference between current and future exchange rates can then be sold as a separate commodity" (Martin, 31). "A similar contract could hedge against a change in interest rates, or the price of raw materials, or delivery costs" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
<br />
"Derivatives remove reference from the commodity. They allow debt to serve as a productive medium from which countless commodities can be spawned. Derivatives are promissory notes issued between firms. They represent a prime vehicle with which industrial corporations undertake the function of banks by engaging in financial services." (Martin, 31)<br />
<br />
"The derivative is a sign of the shift in the beneficiaries of development from populations or nations to other economic actors. Those who can steward risk will advance....The capacity for financial decision making trumps democratic involvement to decide political representation" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
==== Securities ====<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
Braudel, Fernand. 1982. The wheels of commerce. New York: Harper & Row.<br />
<br />
Buck-Morss, Susan. Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display. Critical Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter, 1995), pp. 434-467. The University of Chicago Press<br />
<br />
Clough, Patricia, et. al. Notes Towards a Theory of Affect Itself.<br />
<br />
Jameson Fredric, “Culture and Finance Capital,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1, (1997 ), pp. 246-265. <br />
<br />
Martin, Randy. 2007. And Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management. Durham and London: Duke University Press.<br />
<br />
Massumi, Brian. The Future Birth of the Affective Fact. DATE JOURNAL<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. 2005. Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century. ''The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences: Positivism and its Epistemological Others'', edited by George Steinmetz.<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. [From an early version of the following paper.] 2007. The Properties of Markets. ''Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics''. Edited by Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />
<br />
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Braudel on Capitalism, or Everything Upside Down” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 2, A Special Issue on Modern France (Jun., 1991), pp. 354-361</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=The_Market&diff=4572The Market2008-04-16T15:39:28Z<p>Samhan: /* Enclosing and Enclosing the Market */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Image:Shopping Cart.jpg]]<br />
<br />
In this dossier's engagement with the intersection of the built and mediated environment, we interpret Marshall Mcluhan's argument that the remediation process whereby one medium survives as the content of another is the preservation of a distinct ''function'' in the midst of informatic and material transformation. This is not to suggest any predetermined trajectory of cultural obsolescence whereby a pre-existing function is stripped of cultural obstacles in its way, but rather to note that, ''in hindsight, content's transformative mechanism of appropriation enables us to examine behavioral systems, and the environment that housed them, as dead media,'' and that such dead media provide insights into a story of the concentration and distillation of culture into the symbolic content of later media which house cultural remains. <br />
<br />
Within the larger discussion of critical techniques this Archive attempts to employ, this dossier might also best be understood as an attempt to bridge our understanding of the isolation of <br />
medium from message (in the hermes model) with our understanding of the communicative properties of materials which exhibit no such fragmentation (in the iris model), as well as the rhizomatic, independent, message function that, in its ubiquitous employabilty, conforms to no specific medium (the furies model). Far from suggesting an evolutionary hierarchy towards the immaterial, the market may, however, provide deeper insights into our understanding of the remediating processes at work in each of the three. <br />
<br />
We trace the process whereby the concentration of trading behavior and its eventual standardization was enabled by its enclosure in the space of the market, and the processes whereby this concentration separated market activity from a distinct built environment, isolating a function which is non-physical and anticipates the remediation of the market in the scripting content of immaterial spaces. Although we make no attempt to argue that physical market sites no longer exist, we do attempt to expose the informatic and material shifts that have obsolesced such physical environments, rendering the built environments that remain stages which serve a social function that is, in itself, a commodity. Although we attempt to identify the legacy of this fragmentation in the built environment and in the spaces which now bear witness to the market function in unexpected forms, we hope that future contributions will enrich and complicate the conceptual and mediatic transformations that accompanied the resurrection of symbolism in architecture.<br />
<br />
[[Image:Colourful shopping carts.jpg|thumb|right| What was once a spatial locality with a distinct form and use is now pure function with no distinct materiality]] [[Image:TUR1491SpiceBazaar.jpg]] <br />
<br />
=The History of Exchange= <br />
<br />
==What is a market?==<br />
1.All of types of exchange that go beyond self-sufficiency, of all the wheels of trade, large and small, that we have described, of all the categories relating to trading areas (urban market, national market) or to a given product (the market in sugar, precious metals, spices etc.). In this sense the word is the equivalent of exchange, circulation and distribution. <br />
<br />
2.Large broad form of exchange, also known as market economy. <br />
<br />
==The Market in Capitalism==<br />
To posit a pre-“anything” is to argue an implicit periodization of a concept. And undoubtedly, to suggest that there was a mode of representation or media such as “the market” so entrenched within the cultural values and practices of capitalism that preceded it, would also then require some explaining. Thankfully, in this task, we follow historian Fernand Braudel, who has undertaken massive volumes of study in this area. The trajectory of Braudel’s project, in line with his Annales colleagues more generally, is to provide a historiography of capitalism does not reify the very object of analysis—the ever-expanding, seemingly amoebic process called capitalism, which Marx himself referred to as comparable to “queer things abounding.” The danger would be to overlook how the market embodies the shifting historic-economic transition from merchant to industrial to finance capitalism. <br />
<br />
With respect to Marx and the present study at hand, it could be argued that Marx dealt the strongest blow the concept of the market as a fixed, spatial location of exchange; so why even proceed? Well, indeed, “the market” as a spatial category very much plays a large part in various spheres of life, most pressingly the cultural, social and political. Moreover, many scholars, Frederic Jameson most famously, have even suggested that the economic has fallen to the level of culture (See Jameson). In such arguments, there is an assumed de-differentiation of previously separate spheres. The guiding question in this section will be (roughly): How did the market become differentiated in the first place? <br />
<br />
==The Market as Interface of Digital and Analog==<br />
Braudel makes a distinction between “material life” and “economic life,” suggesting that the market, stalls and shops form a discontinuous contact surface between the two. By “material life” he means the most elementary, autarkic societies and by “economic life” he means commerce, currencies, and exchanges (Braudel, 21). Hence, the market is a medium in the sense that it translates the “non-economy, imprisoned within self-sufficiency” to the level of “exchange-“or “market-value.” The discontinuity, for Braudel, is clearly rooted his positing some sort of non-economy that precedes full-blown capitalism. In other words, Braudel envisions precapitalist market as being discontinuous and spontaneous whereas the “true capitalist” market becomes continuous and permanently reified as “the market.” Is this distinction between discontinuity and continuity also that of digital and analog? Here, it can be argued that Braudel’s point is a bit nostalgic. That is to say, that Braudel’s overarching project to delink what he calls “economic life” from capitalism, which he sometimes refers to as “true capitalism”(Wallerstein, 354) necessitates a level of fixity in what he calls a market (as opposed to anti-market). Immanuel Wallerstein helps us understand this part of Braudel very clearly. He suggests that that Braudel makes a clear distinction between “economic life” and “material life.” Economic life moves out of the unconscious routine of the daily life towards a more conscious and active process of the division of labor (Wallerstein, 355). Framed within admittedly fraught distinction between continuous/discontinuous, we can suggest that for Braudel the material life is analog; hence unconscious, though nevertheless full of regularities. Economic life, that is “true capitalist” life, is too then perceivably analog as it is an instrumental, goal-oriented activity of production bounded in the smoothness of consciousness. But indeed, the market is that which interfaces and mediates the economic life into material life. In addition, Wallerstein suggests that Braudel sees that market economy as transparent, whereas material life (below) and economic life (above) are shadowy and opaque, in contrast. However, the zone above, on the other hand, (the economy) the zone of capitalism, was opaque, in this case because capitalists wanted it so. It was a zone in which “certain groups of privileged actors were engaged in circuits and calculations that ordinary people knew nothing of” (Braudel as quoted in Wallerstein, 355). Thus, in this mediation, there is a “blackboxing” of the guts of exchange. The market economy (or the antimarket) does not show the immanent negotiation of the market transaction, and indeed the fixing of the market-price. Price control, which Susan Buck-Morss rightly notes becomes the representational bottom-line of the market (Buck-Morss, 463). <br />
<br />
(The specific definition of the market is rendered even in the layout of the three volumes of Braudel’s Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century.) Against Polanyi, he argues that “the market” as a vital component of the “market economy” is a consolidation, rationalization and even remediation of practices or instruments of exchange, which existed centuries prior to the 15th century, when we see the emergence of the ordinary market (e.g., the farmer’s market). The farmer’s market is characterized by what Braudel labels “immediate exchange,” describing it as such: “goods are sold on the spot, the purchases are taken and paid for there and then. Credit is hardly used…”(Ibid., 29). Immediate exchange had been practiced centuries or millennia before in ancient Greece, classical China, the Americas (Aztecs) and all over Africa. <br />
<br />
==Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange==<br />
In the 15th century, markets were held twice a week in towns and urban centers in theory only. Especially in cities such as Paris, markets were held daily. The twice-a-week rule was not so much an effect of regulation but of necessity, as the surrounding countryside needed time to supply them. During the 17th century, the shift from being held in between town and countryside to being held at the heart of towns, usually in the town squares. As towns continued to grow in size, so did the markets, to the point where the tiny town squares could no longer accommodate the number of vendors coming to sell their goods. Here are Braudel’s words: “And since they [markets] represented modernity on the march, their growth allowed no obstacle to bar their way: they could with impunity impose on their surroundings their congestion, their rubbish and their obstinate gatherings of people” (Braudel, 31). The solution adopted was that of banishing them to the outskirts of town. However, as a reaction against this measure, markets would appear as open spaces would open up, especially seasonally with the freezing over of rivers, on which goods could be brought back and forth via sled. Braudel recounts two such examples—Moscow’s Moscova river and London’s Thames. The latter is most famously represented in the adjoining engraving. <br />
<br />
==Enclosing and Encoding the Market==<br />
Markets existed in very ancient times within a single village or group of villages—the market being a sort of itinerant village, as the fair was a sort of traveling town. But the decisive step in this long history was taken when the town appropriated these little markets. It absorbed them and inflated them to its own dimensions, in return having to accept the demands they made on it. <br />
<br />
The urban markets may have been invented by the Phoenicians. The Greek city-states had a market on the agora. The proliferation of markets beyond the town squares elicited a response by towns to take regulatory measures, the most significant of which was the construction of covered markets (halls or halles), at times surrounded by open-air markets (Braudel, 33). In the 16th century, the towns and cities of England saw a series of markethalls with different names spring up, often at the experience of a wealthy local merchant disposed to be generous. The word halle could mean several things then, from a simple covered market to the mighty buildings and complicated organizations of the Halles which were from a very early date ‘the belly of Paris.’ What is of note is that these were mostly permanent and specialized. London, for example, by 1660, halls had “full-time employees, and a whole complicated administration” (Braudel, 33). The Halles was a huge combination of covered spaces and open spaces, its pillars holding up the arcades of neighboring houses, and surrounded by a bustling commercial life on the fringes of the central market, taking advantage of the disorder and sprawl and creating more of both to its own profit. Additionally, it marked the beginning of the usage of the term “market” as associated with a specific good such as “labor market.” Though it seems like a minor detail in the history of commerce, the covering of markets, we would argue, is a major turning-point or "break boundary" as "the system generated by the artifact suddenly changes into another or passes some point of no return in its dynamic processes" (quoted from Critical Techniques page). Once markets were covered and centralized, we see that the political interventions on markets would follow to delimit the contingent and spontaneous nature of markets. <br />
<br />
With the springing of markets all over various cities, towns began to intervene, once again, through spatial restrictions. London, again, provides a very enlightening example for Braudel. With the London market came the dislocation of the traditional market (public, nothing could be concealed), producer-vendor and buyer-consumer meet face to face. The distance between the two was becoming too great to be traveled by ordinary people. The merchant, or middleman, had already, from at least the thirteenth century, made his appearance in England, as a go-between for town and country, in particular in the corn trade. Gradually, chains of intermediaries were set up between producer and merchant on one hand, and between merchant and retailer on the other; along these chains passed the bulk of the trade in butter, cheese, poultry produce, fruit, vegetables and milk (Braudel, 42). Moreover, beyond goods of produce and industry (mostly crafts), land also became traded on the market. The market is then, in turn, a coterminous concept with “commodity,” as it becomes a facilitating medium for commodities. It becomes the connection, or encoding interface by which the commodity could be transformed from use-value to exchange-value. By encoding, I mean to suggest that the market becomes part of the grammar of commodities in market capitalism. How this functions I would argue is that the market becomes the system of rationality that is able to bring within a bounded geographical and symbolic system, effectively doing away with the barter system of mercantilism, and instating a mode of representation with its unit of measurement being the commodity. After it is enclosed and encoded, the market becomes the sole means by which to exchange, thus acting as a formal prohibition for all economic activity. Markets become the dominant economic media. <br />
The market then is the condition of possibility for commodities, but “the null point of social community (Buck-Morss, 437). Susan Buck-Morss goes so far as to argue that the market then elicits a certain mode of subjectivity that undergirds the market and commodity—the economic actor that is a, harkening back to the Freudian theory of human as a “bundle of instincts,” a “bounded rationality” (Buck-Morss, 466). Bounded rationality for Buck-Morss, is indicative of the effects of market-encoding or market-modeling that points towards the “depersonalization of exchange” (Buck-Morss, 437).<br />
<br />
=Theatricality in the creation of a consuming subject=<br />
<br />
Although there is much disagreement as to when consumer culture emerged fully formed, it is clear that the social transformation that accompanied its arrival required an unprecedented effort to pursuade individuals to consume as a way of life. The combined forces of advertising, branding and strategic exhibition of foreign objects, colluded in an elaborate performance which sought to embed curiosity in consuming subjects eager to witness the magic of a marketplace disrupting traditional social fabric. Although<br />
<br />
=Mail-order=<br />
<br />
=Semiotics in the Liberation of Function from Form=<br />
[[Image:Monument.jpg|right|thumb|Robert Venturi's "Recommendation for a monument" from [[Learning From Las Vegas]], 1972]]<br />
<br />
<br />
''... ours is not the environment for heroic communication through pure architecture. Each medium has its day, and the rhetorical environmental statements of our time – civic, commercial, or residential – will come from media more purely symbolic, perhaps less static and more adaptable to the scale of our environment. The iconography and mixed media of roadside commercial architecture will point the way if we will look. Housing for the elderly on the Oak Street Connector, if it had to be a monument, would have been more economical, socially responsible and amenable as a conventional apartment building,lost by the side of the expressway, with a big sign on top blinking, I AM A MONUMENT. Decoration is cheaper. <br />
<br />
- Robert Venturi,"Learning From Las Vegas," 1972''<br />
<br />
<br />
----<br />
[[Image:Vegas strip.jpg|thumb|right|The Upper Strip Looking North]]<br />
[[Image:Normal wedding-chapel-las-vegas.jpg|thumb|right|A Vegas chapel: function legitimated through semiotics]]<br />
<br />
When Robert Venturi looked to the vernacular architecture on the Las Vegas strip in the late 1960's, he saw a resurrection of symbolism in the built environment that had seemed destined for extinction in the wake of architectural modernism. Whereas the Bauhaus' legacy in modernism had stripped buildings of ornament in an attempt to unify form with function, Venturi was amazed to find a Las Vegas strip dotted with generic buildings differentiated only by elaborate ornamental signs designating the unique functions and identities of otherwise identical spaces. <br />
<br />
The Vegas strip not only violated a progression away from decoration (which led many to credit Venturi's text as the first postmodern architectural manifesto) but brought more clearly into focus the impact of the automobile upon architecture that needed to be identified from greater distances over shorter durations of time. Whereas the heroic communication of pure architecture had in the past led to forms and facades which - albeit imperfectly - communicated the activities contained within them, Venturi noted that in a land of highways and commercial strips the same system of (road) signs that enabled standardized navigation of an entire continent also enabled a faster recognition of the buildings and spaces one passed by. The vital necessity of introducing semiotic distinctions between buildings exemplified the spatial distortions that accompany accelerated movement and the distribution of communities across expanding territories.<br />
<br />
Whereas the built environment brought countless aspects of human activity into existence by anchoring them in physical space, what Venturi exposed was the cultural appropriation of semiotic systems to designate spaces whose distinctive architecture had not yet been invented. In his iconic “Recommendation for a monument” his sarcastic suggestion that decoration upon generic form was the most ethical and economic method of design, exposed the complete lack of subtlety in designs that managed to serve specific functions in the absence of architectural innovation. Rather than create a home for new human activity, it was clear that one need only name a space in order for it to serve a specific function. Although modular, multipurpose, space had been realized long ago behind the glass curtain walls of modern skyscapers, after 1972, one could not escape the vulgar conclusion that the space itself was a nostalgic theatre enabling the suspension of disbelief which designated the offices of one box from the warehouse or monument of another.<br />
<br />
In essence, symbolism had invaded space rendering residual communicative modalities in architectural form (the steeple, the column, the storefront) which directed activities within them unnecessary. In a traditional town one might recognize a church by a steeple, and civic institutions by classical architecture – but in Las Vegas one needed only to read a sign that read “CHAPEL” and a marriage could be performed. Resistance to the glass curtain and the modernist box need not be overcome by a radical re-education of a public in modernist aesthetics, but by the complete removal of ambiguity through the ultimate abstraction of the sign. Buildings had entered a realm of mediation, and the Las Vegas strip presented an intermediate phenomenon whereby one could could navigate a foreign landscape and locate a desired service or commodity in spite of all unfamiliarity with the landscape itself. <br />
<br />
Venturi's Monument, like a Vegas chapel, anticipates the remediation of spatial phenomena in immaterial spaces and illustrates that function itself is not material, but something performed by actors engaged in a collective fiction. Once it was plainly clear that all the world was a stage, it followed that with the proper, scripting, semiotic device, the market no longer needed to be a specific locality in order to function as a market.<br />
----<br />
<br />
= Market as Stage: A comparison of three Stock Markets=<br />
<br />
NASDAQ <br />
<br />
On February 8, 1971, a year prior to Venturi's publication of "Learning From Las Vegas," the world witnessed the birth of the first purely electronic stock market, NASDAQ. In contrast to traditional stock markets, NASDAQ's elimination of a trading floor helped to minimize the spread between the bid price and the ask price of a stock through it's computer bulletin board system. Although the market initially did not connect buyers and sellers directly, it presented a successor to over-the-counter finance and introduced a market function that did not depend on person to person trade. NASDAQ initially relied upon the use of telephones to connect buyers, brokers and sellers, yet currently relies upon electronic communication networks. As the world's largest stock market, in terms of companies listed and trades per day, NASDAQ is a functioning market without the spatial enclosure of a market, a product of the information age, and a phenomenon which illuminates the theatrical gestures elsewhere to preserve and exhibit a non-essential spatiality.<br />
<br />
The New York Stock Exchange - Theatrical adherence to an obsolescent culture<br />
<br />
Although the New York Stock exchange no longer engages in over-the-counter trading, its trading floor is a bustling theatre of trading activity. The floor itself might be seen as an obsolescent inefficiency, yet it is worth noting that in dollar volume, the NYSE remains a larger market than the NASDAQ despite having less listings. The NYSE is called a hybrid market because customers are given the choice of whether to send orders for immediate electronic execution or whether to submit an order to the trading floor for trading in the auction market. The preservation of human interaction on the floor itself seems to embody a nostalgia inherent in "the cake mix effect" whereby the efficiency of a sequence is interrupted by redundant steps as a defense from the obsolescence of a sequence understood to have cultural value. The floor is a tradition that is alive and well, yet this phenomenon eludes the mere prerequisite of market function, effectively defending a culture whose continued presence preserves an illusion that the market is still a market.<br />
<br />
<br />
The Shanghai Stock Exchange<br />
<br />
In perhaps the most bizarre isolation of medium from message at a time when the space of a trading floor is obsolescent, the Shanghai Stock Exchange, though entirely electronic like NASDAQ, has a trading floor which serves no market function in performance or otherwise. As a relatively new market, the physicality of a trading floor lends authority to the electronic transactions which occur in reference to it, yet it simultaneously sits as the vacant theatre of a performance which never took place. Whereas the NYSE might be understood as a monument to trading which lays claim to cultural capital and ensures continued longevity, the Shanghai Stock Exchange physical existence seems in contrast to be legitimizing a market dependent upon foreign investors that equate the physical market with a "real" market worthy of investment. The market extends Robert Venturi's visual joke into unexpected territory, announcing "I AM A MARKET" in spite of foreign anxieties which might argue otherwise.<br />
<br />
= The Market as an Object of Representation and Modeling=<br />
This section will look at how the market as an object was subsumed by "the economy," following Timothy Mitchell's argument in his article, "Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century". Mitchell argues that the objectification of the market and the economy is accomplished by economic, econometric, and governmental attempts to keep track of monetary exchange. In other words, measurements of the market serve to constitute the object they seek to measure (Mitchell 2005). Following Mitchell's argument and drawing from Randy Martin's book, ''An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management'', we propose that the death of the market as a media object was accomplished by the same process that made it; measurements of market activity become the condition of possibility for this activity in such a way that measuring and regulatory acts become immanent to actual commodities. Commodities now no longer need the frame of the market to act as a structure, providing the affordances and prohibitions of exchange. Now these regulatory/technical capacities are embedded in commodities such as derivatives and securities, as Randy Martin demonstrates.<br />
<br />
== The Market as an Organic Body ==<br />
<br />
In Braudel's definition of the market, his use of the term "economic life" implies that economic activity is alive, or that it is a site where life happens. Timothy Mitchell finds that dominant ideas of the market before the 1930s treated it as an aggregate of life forces, or "individual utilities" (Mitchell 2005, 129). The Malthusian relationship between land fertility and population size comprised the object of analysis as "an organic world of human settlement, agriculture, and the movement of populations, goods, and wealth" (Mitchell 2005, 128). <br />
<br />
Towards the end of the 1800s, the idea of the market as a separate surface began, but it was not yet a "self-contained sphere, imagined as machine whose internal mechanisms and exchanges separate it from other social processes (Mitchell 2005, 128). Rather, "The object of analysis was made up of forces, conceived as individual utilities, that were assumed to be in balance. The site of this mechanical equilibrium was 'the market'.... As a neutral, planar surface, the market of neoclassical economics had no depth, no dynamic structure, no forces of its own, no 'macro' dimension that could be described apart from the individual utilities that moved across it. It was an inert, unmoving space" (Mitchell 2005, 129). In this characterization, the market was not seen as a system. It was rather a space that could be filled with individual energy; this is quite different from the current idea of "the economy" as a thermodynamic system in which the whole exerts force onto each of the parts. In this older conception of the market, the equilibrium of individual forces was not imposed by a greater whole, but seemed to arise naturally. <br />
<br />
Mitchell argues that the term, "economy" was not used in its contemporary sense, as an object of economic analysis, until it was actually taken as an object of economic analysis by econometrics in the 1930s. This was around the same time John Maynard Keynes began to refer to "the economic system as a whole" (Mitchell 2005, 130). Mitchell characterizes econometrics as "the attempt to create a mathematical representation of the entire economic process as a self-contained and dynamic mechanism" (Mitchell 2005, 131). At this point the dynamism of the economy incorporates or subsumes a collection of markets into itself. Economic processes are seen as a totality and it is possible to distinguish between that which is internal and that which is external to this totality. External forces impact the economy, causing "reverberations throughout the internal machine" (Mitchell 2005, 133). This notion of the economy seems to persist, but perhaps with an important development. It is still understood as a systemic totality, but the external forces that impact it have been subsumed into the economy. It is understood more like an organism than a machine requiring a human laborer.<br />
<br />
== The Market as a Medium ==<br />
<br />
To what extent can the market be characterized as a medium? And, insofar as it is a medium, to what extent can the market be characterized as a ''dead'' medium? <br />
<br />
In order to answer these questions, one must consider different definitions and uses of the word, market. Fernand Braudel defines the market as that which mediates between material life and economic life. This understanding is obsolete because the possibility of mediation requires a prior separation between the two entities--in this case material and economic life--being mediated. A Marxist reading of capitalism, especially as it was taken up by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics, suggests that material and economic life are no longer separate, that the economy has become a condition of possibility for material life, and is therefore immanent to it. The market as a medium in this regard is dead.<br />
<br />
The market can refer to a physical place where commodities are exchanged, as in a marketplace, but it is also a conceptual category used to characterize the aggregate of economic exchange in a given totality, such as "the U.S. market," or of any specific commodity, such as "the housing market". <br />
<br />
The market as a site of buying and selling: To the extent that the market is understood to be a spatial entity, or object, containing/enclosing acts of economic exchange, the market is dead. <br />
<br />
Market as a conceptual category referring to a specific type of commodity that can be bought and sold (i.e., the job market, the stock market). The stipulation is that there has to be more than one seller offering the commodity to at least one buyer. The sellers exist in a market competing for the buyers, who can choose between them. [Is competition alive or dead? Is there any such thing as a "free market"?]<br />
<br />
== The Economy as a Represented Object==<br />
<br />
Timothy Mitchell talks about the economy as an object, an entity, that was constructed by studies of it and attempts to regulate it. This process of regulation sounds like it should be outside of economic activity, but he is saying that it constitutes economic activity. The economy is an object of economics, econometrics, government regulation, etc. In other words, it is an object of calculation and restriction. <br />
<br />
In the 1930s the term "the economy" began to represent an economic whole that included and coordinated markets into one coherent system, delineated by national boundaries.Mitchell, Economists, 126: Mitchell argues that, "...the economy became the object of economic knowledge only quite recently. Not until the 1930s did economists begin to write about an object called the economy, and only by the middle of the century was the term as it is understood today in general use. Second, 'economy' was not just a new word for an existing sphere or underlying substance; its arrival marked the emergence of novel forms of sociotechnical practice that formed and performed the economy as a new object of professional knowledge and political practice."<br />
<br />
== Modes of Representation ==<br />
<br />
A capitalist market needs to have what Timothy Mitchell calls an "apparatus of representation" in order to convert material into abstract capital. Mitchell, Markets, 9: Characterizing de Soto's argument: "The most important difference between successful capitalist economies and the rest of the world lies not in the wealth they possess... but in how that wealth is held." "Representations of material goods transform their value into abstract forms, which can live an 'invisible, parallel life' alongside their physical existnece. The West has invented procedures to create these invisible forms. Individuals in the West can unlock the assets accumulated in physical property, transforming material wealth into abstract capital" (Mitchell, 2006, 9).<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 1-2: "Markets would not work if people were not allowed to exclude things, to leave certain costs or claims out of the calculation, and to deny responsibility for certain consequences. Economic analysis helps organize these exclusions, helps distinguish what can count in the act of exchange from what cannot, what must be paid for and what should not. From this perspective, economics should be analyzed not in terms of the reality it represents (or fails to represent), but in terms of the arrangements and exclusions it helps to produce."<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 3: "Enframing a market does not happen only by employing the methods of classification or calculation that economic theory may provide. The exclusions on which market transactions depend take a variety of forms, and acquire different degrees of force and effectiveness."<br />
<br />
The idea of the "free market" continues to be an ideal of self-regulating economic life not subject to external control. The free market is not just a utopic dream about how the market once was, and might one day be again, but also a mathematical and conceptual abstraction of the current market from all of the factors with which it is implicated. As Mitchell points out, "the idea persists that the market, indeed capitalism in general, has a boundary. The boundary is thought to separate the market from the large areas of material activity and resources that seem to exist beyond its limit" (Mitchell 2007, 5-6).<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 5-6: "Despite the porosity of such arrangements, the idea persists that the market, indeed capitalism in general, has a boundary. The boundary is thought to separate the market from the large areas of material activity and resources that seem to exist beyond its limit. For countries outside the West, the idea of a boundary provides a common way not just to think about these places but to diagnose their problems and design appropriate remedies. Such remedies are increasingly popular. Older ways of approaching non-western development typically referred to different sectors of the economy, such as the traditional and the modern, the rural and the urban, or the agrarian and the industrial. These sectors had moving and sometimes overlapping boundaries. Development could be planned as a series of transitions, in which people and resources were to be moved from one sector to another, or in which the expansion of the market transformed different parts of the economy at different moments. Since the changes occurred over time, the difference between the non-market and the market, or the non-capitalist and the capitalist, represented as much a temporal transition as a territorial one. Today those sorts of temporal-spatial understandings often appear to have been displaced by a much simpler set of proposals: the capitalist economy is surrounded by a boundary, outside which stands the non-capitalist, non-market world. The task of development economics is to help extend the rules of the market into these other spaces."<br />
<br />
THE LINE DEMARCATING CAPITALISM IS THE TERRAIN OF CAPITALISM, Mitchel, Markets, 7: "'''the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism'''."<br />
<br />
ECONOMICS CONTROLS REPRESENTATIONS: Mitchel, Markets, 7: "...in describing what this nonmarket world lacks, neoclassical economics tends to diagnose its defects as an absence of techniques of representation. Things are stuck outside the market because they are not properly represented-- by property records, prices, or other systems of reference. What economic analysis does, however, is not to represent what was previously unrepresented, but to try and reorganize the circulation and control of representations."<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=== Spatial Representation ===<br />
The purpose of any space is determined by both the symbols used to<br />
designate where one is (ie an open for business sign), and the<br />
practices that take place there. In "Learning From Las Vegas," Robert<br />
Venturi takes a close look at how the Vegas Strip (in the late 60's)<br />
consisted of buildings that were differentiated primarily by flashy<br />
signs decorating unoriginal buildings (what he called the "decorated<br />
shed." He traced the phenomenon to the impact of speed on<br />
architecture - mainly that in a landscape where one drives past<br />
buildings, signs enable one to differentiate one space from another at<br />
a faster speed than differentiated architectures could (which is why<br />
signs matter so much for businesses on highways).<br />
<br />
What makes this so interesting is that when semiotics are reintroduced<br />
into architecture, communicating the specific use of a generic space,<br />
buildings enter a mediated realm - And I think that's key here - that<br />
when people believe they're in a market when they see a "market" sign,<br />
it enables the use of a spatial semiotic to successfully mediate the<br />
entire space provided that the same activity occurs - which is really<br />
just to say that the Las Vegas strip is this intermediate phenomenon<br />
whereby we all can find what we want in foreign places, and that's<br />
precisely the mechanism by which we can create a market without the<br />
actual space of a market (a shopping cart icon does the trick!).<br />
<br />
= New Forms =<br />
<br />
The market is traditionally understood to be free in its essence, but subject to external regulation. The notion of the free market is associated with natural life, or life-itself; it is seen as an organic social mode of exchange. In fact, it sort of was at first, but this is dead. Now regulation is embedded in the actual commodities. Capital flows, risks, and price fluctuations, are all coded, rather than the objects. The market as an object, a separate sphere, is dead. It is not life being confined in a space and regulated from the outside; it is rather a collapsing of technical conditions and energy. No longer about matter. No longer about material commodities used by a body.<br />
<br />
<br />
== From Citizen to Private Investor ==<br />
<br />
=== Personalized Advertising ===<br />
<br />
<br />
== The Death of Equilibrium/Equilibrium as Death ==<br />
<br />
Randy Martin looks at U.S.'s switch from creditor to debtor nation in the 1980s. Consumption without production. Risk becomes a sign of strength and power and security a sign of weakness (Martin, 28). Then debt gets repackaged as securities. Went off gold standard. "Now monetary movement was being freed to spread the wealth. Equilibrium-- key to Bretton Woods and early monetarist currency controls-- was no longer a condition of exchange. The dollar's spread, the expansion of debt and speculation, fostered disequilibrium and its attendant risks as a new horizon of opportunity. Fixing exchange to a physical standard perpetuated the image of the economy as a closed system. It could grow in proportion to the balance of inputs and outputs" (Martin, 29).<br />
<br />
The organic model of the economy as a closed system: "An economy could become overheated and melt down or explode. The social sciences more generally were predicated on this image of a closed system. The system adapted to internal strains by growth and differentiation. It maintained boundaries, kept out threatening uncertainties, and externalized unintended consequences from its internal decisions" (Martin, 28-29). <br />
<br />
"As financial reason overtook the system-based moral and political economy, as the investor who knows no country elbowed out the consumer-citizen of the nation-state, the organic closed system, result of the social sciences' unacknowledged metaphorizing of the social, was morphing into a different kind of beast" (Martin, 29).<br />
<br />
=== Futurity in the Present ===<br />
<br />
Branding: "In its infinite differentiation of product ranges, branding plays with a combination of familiarity plus novelty, a ''past-futurity''. New memories installed that you have not phenomenologically experienced in order to produce a certain receptivity to brand triggers" (Parisi and Goodman, 2006).<br />
<br />
=== Coding of Risk, Instability ===<br />
<br />
How to understand market activity after the traditional market dies. Instead of coding commodities as valuable (Mitchell, 2007), Randy Martin argues that capitalism is following a financial logic, which extracts value from predicting future price fluctuations, interest rates, exchange rates, and packages this risk into new kinds of commodities, such as derivatives and securities.<br />
<br />
"Properly ascertained risk, not growth per se, is what yields rewards. The trade in risk avoidance devolves into a profit on risk itself" (Martin, 33).<br />
<br />
==== Derivatives ====<br />
<br />
A derivative is a contract on "some variation in price" (Martin, 31). EXAMPLE: "a firm selling a product overseas that will not be deliverable for several years will create a contract to fix currency exchange rates for the time when the product is finished. The expected difference between current and future exchange rates can then be sold as a separate commodity" (Martin, 31). "A similar contract could hedge against a change in interest rates, or the price of raw materials, or delivery costs" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
<br />
"Derivatives remove reference from the commodity. They allow debt to serve as a productive medium from which countless commodities can be spawned. Derivatives are promissory notes issued between firms. They represent a prime vehicle with which industrial corporations undertake the function of banks by engaging in financial services." (Martin, 31)<br />
<br />
"The derivative is a sign of the shift in the beneficiaries of development from populations or nations to other economic actors. Those who can steward risk will advance....The capacity for financial decision making trumps democratic involvement to decide political representation" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
==== Securities ====<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
Braudel, Fernand. 1982. The wheels of commerce. New York: Harper & Row.<br />
<br />
Buck-Morss, Susan. Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display. Critical Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter, 1995), pp. 434-467. The University of Chicago Press<br />
<br />
Clough, Patricia, et. al. Notes Towards a Theory of Affect Itself.<br />
<br />
Jameson Fredric, “Culture and Finance Capital,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1, (1997 ), pp. 246-265. <br />
<br />
Martin, Randy. 2007. And Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management. Durham and London: Duke University Press.<br />
<br />
Massumi, Brian. The Future Birth of the Affective Fact. DATE JOURNAL<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. 2005. Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century. ''The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences: Positivism and its Epistemological Others'', edited by George Steinmetz.<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. [From an early version of the following paper.] 2007. The Properties of Markets. ''Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics''. Edited by Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />
<br />
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Braudel on Capitalism, or Everything Upside Down” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 2, A Special Issue on Modern France (Jun., 1991), pp. 354-361</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=The_Market&diff=4571The Market2008-04-16T15:33:31Z<p>Samhan: </p>
<hr />
<div>[[Image:Shopping Cart.jpg]]<br />
<br />
In this dossier's engagement with the intersection of the built and mediated environment, we interpret Marshall Mcluhan's argument that the remediation process whereby one medium survives as the content of another is the preservation of a distinct ''function'' in the midst of informatic and material transformation. This is not to suggest any predetermined trajectory of cultural obsolescence whereby a pre-existing function is stripped of cultural obstacles in its way, but rather to note that, ''in hindsight, content's transformative mechanism of appropriation enables us to examine behavioral systems, and the environment that housed them, as dead media,'' and that such dead media provide insights into a story of the concentration and distillation of culture into the symbolic content of later media which house cultural remains. <br />
<br />
Within the larger discussion of critical techniques this Archive attempts to employ, this dossier might also best be understood as an attempt to bridge our understanding of the isolation of <br />
medium from message (in the hermes model) with our understanding of the communicative properties of materials which exhibit no such fragmentation (in the iris model), as well as the rhizomatic, independent, message function that, in its ubiquitous employabilty, conforms to no specific medium (the furies model). Far from suggesting an evolutionary hierarchy towards the immaterial, the market may, however, provide deeper insights into our understanding of the remediating processes at work in each of the three. <br />
<br />
We trace the process whereby the concentration of trading behavior and its eventual standardization was enabled by its enclosure in the space of the market, and the processes whereby this concentration separated market activity from a distinct built environment, isolating a function which is non-physical and anticipates the remediation of the market in the scripting content of immaterial spaces. Although we make no attempt to argue that physical market sites no longer exist, we do attempt to expose the informatic and material shifts that have obsolesced such physical environments, rendering the built environments that remain stages which serve a social function that is, in itself, a commodity. Although we attempt to identify the legacy of this fragmentation in the built environment and in the spaces which now bear witness to the market function in unexpected forms, we hope that future contributions will enrich and complicate the conceptual and mediatic transformations that accompanied the resurrection of symbolism in architecture.<br />
<br />
[[Image:Colourful shopping carts.jpg|thumb|right| What was once a spatial locality with a distinct form and use is now pure function with no distinct materiality]] [[Image:TUR1491SpiceBazaar.jpg]] <br />
<br />
=The History of Exchange= <br />
<br />
==What is a market?==<br />
1.All of types of exchange that go beyond self-sufficiency, of all the wheels of trade, large and small, that we have described, of all the categories relating to trading areas (urban market, national market) or to a given product (the market in sugar, precious metals, spices etc.). In this sense the word is the equivalent of exchange, circulation and distribution. <br />
<br />
2.Large broad form of exchange, also known as market economy. <br />
<br />
==The Market in Capitalism==<br />
To posit a pre-“anything” is to argue an implicit periodization of a concept. And undoubtedly, to suggest that there was a mode of representation or media such as “the market” so entrenched within the cultural values and practices of capitalism that preceded it, would also then require some explaining. Thankfully, in this task, we follow historian Fernand Braudel, who has undertaken massive volumes of study in this area. The trajectory of Braudel’s project, in line with his Annales colleagues more generally, is to provide a historiography of capitalism does not reify the very object of analysis—the ever-expanding, seemingly amoebic process called capitalism, which Marx himself referred to as comparable to “queer things abounding.” The danger would be to overlook how the market embodies the shifting historic-economic transition from merchant to industrial to finance capitalism. <br />
<br />
With respect to Marx and the present study at hand, it could be argued that Marx dealt the strongest blow the concept of the market as a fixed, spatial location of exchange; so why even proceed? Well, indeed, “the market” as a spatial category very much plays a large part in various spheres of life, most pressingly the cultural, social and political. Moreover, many scholars, Frederic Jameson most famously, have even suggested that the economic has fallen to the level of culture (See Jameson). In such arguments, there is an assumed de-differentiation of previously separate spheres. The guiding question in this section will be (roughly): How did the market become differentiated in the first place? <br />
<br />
==The Market as Interface of Digital and Analog==<br />
Braudel makes a distinction between “material life” and “economic life,” suggesting that the market, stalls and shops form a discontinuous contact surface between the two. By “material life” he means the most elementary, autarkic societies and by “economic life” he means commerce, currencies, and exchanges (Braudel, 21). Hence, the market is a medium in the sense that it translates the “non-economy, imprisoned within self-sufficiency” to the level of “exchange-“or “market-value.” The discontinuity, for Braudel, is clearly rooted his positing some sort of non-economy that precedes full-blown capitalism. In other words, Braudel envisions precapitalist market as being discontinuous and spontaneous whereas the “true capitalist” market becomes continuous and permanently reified as “the market.” Is this distinction between discontinuity and continuity also that of digital and analog? Here, it can be argued that Braudel’s point is a bit nostalgic. That is to say, that Braudel’s overarching project to delink what he calls “economic life” from capitalism, which he sometimes refers to as “true capitalism”(Wallerstein, 354) necessitates a level of fixity in what he calls a market (as opposed to anti-market). Immanuel Wallerstein helps us understand this part of Braudel very clearly. He suggests that that Braudel makes a clear distinction between “economic life” and “material life.” Economic life moves out of the unconscious routine of the daily life towards a more conscious and active process of the division of labor (Wallerstein, 355). Framed within admittedly fraught distinction between continuous/discontinuous, we can suggest that for Braudel the material life is analog; hence unconscious, though nevertheless full of regularities. Economic life, that is “true capitalist” life, is too then perceivably analog as it is an instrumental, goal-oriented activity of production bounded in the smoothness of consciousness. But indeed, the market is that which interfaces and mediates the economic life into material life. In addition, Wallerstein suggests that Braudel sees that market economy as transparent, whereas material life (below) and economic life (above) are shadowy and opaque, in contrast. However, the zone above, on the other hand, (the economy) the zone of capitalism, was opaque, in this case because capitalists wanted it so. It was a zone in which “certain groups of privileged actors were engaged in circuits and calculations that ordinary people knew nothing of” (Braudel as quoted in Wallerstein, 355). Thus, in this mediation, there is a “blackboxing” of the guts of exchange. The market economy (or the antimarket) does not show the immanent negotiation of the market transaction, and indeed the fixing of the market-price. Price control, which Susan Buck-Morss rightly notes becomes the representational bottom-line of the market (Buck-Morss, 463). <br />
<br />
(The specific definition of the market is rendered even in the layout of the three volumes of Braudel’s Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century.) Against Polanyi, he argues that “the market” as a vital component of the “market economy” is a consolidation, rationalization and even remediation of practices or instruments of exchange, which existed centuries prior to the 15th century, when we see the emergence of the ordinary market (e.g., the farmer’s market). The farmer’s market is characterized by what Braudel labels “immediate exchange,” describing it as such: “goods are sold on the spot, the purchases are taken and paid for there and then. Credit is hardly used…”(Ibid., 29). Immediate exchange had been practiced centuries or millennia before in ancient Greece, classical China, the Americas (Aztecs) and all over Africa. <br />
<br />
==Industrialization/Urbanization and the Marketization of Exchange==<br />
In the 15th century, markets were held twice a week in towns and urban centers in theory only. Especially in cities such as Paris, markets were held daily. The twice-a-week rule was not so much an effect of regulation but of necessity, as the surrounding countryside needed time to supply them. During the 17th century, the shift from being held in between town and countryside to being held at the heart of towns, usually in the town squares. As towns continued to grow in size, so did the markets, to the point where the tiny town squares could no longer accommodate the number of vendors coming to sell their goods. Here are Braudel’s words: “And since they [markets] represented modernity on the march, their growth allowed no obstacle to bar their way: they could with impunity impose on their surroundings their congestion, their rubbish and their obstinate gatherings of people” (Braudel, 31). The solution adopted was that of banishing them to the outskirts of town. However, as a reaction against this measure, markets would appear as open spaces would open up, especially seasonally with the freezing over of rivers, on which goods could be brought back and forth via sled. Braudel recounts two such examples—Moscow’s Moscova river and London’s Thames. The latter is most famously represented in the adjoining engraving. <br />
<br />
==Enclosing and Enclosing the Market==<br />
Markets existed in very ancient times within a single village or group of villages—the market being a sort of itinerant village, as the fair was a sort of traveling town. But the decisive step in this long history was taken when the town appropriated these little markets. It absorbed them and inflated them to its own dimensions, in return having to accept the demands they made on it. <br />
<br />
The urban markets may have been invented by the Phoenicians. The Greek city-states had a market on the agora. The proliferation of markets beyond the town squares elicited a response by towns to take regulatory measures, the most significant of which was the construction of covered markets (halls or halles), at times surrounded by open-air markets (Braudel, 33). In the 16th century, the towns and cities of England saw a series of markethalls with different names spring up, often at the experience of a wealthy local merchant disposed to be generous. The word halle could mean several things then, from a simple covered market to the mighty buildings and complicated organizations of the Halles which were from a very early date ‘the belly of Paris.’ What is of note is that these were mostly permanent and specialized. London, for example, by 1660, halls had “full-time employees, and a whole complicated administration” (Braudel, 33). The Halles was a huge combination of covered spaces and open spaces, its pillars holding up the arcades of neighboring houses, and surrounded by a bustling commercial life on the fringes of the central market, taking advantage of the disorder and sprawl and creating more of both to its own profit. Additionally, it marked the beginning of the usage of the term “market” as associated with a specific good such as “labor market.” Though it seems like a minor detail in the history of commerce, the covering of markets, we would argue, is a major turning-point or "break boundary" as "the system generated by the artifact suddenly changes into another or passes some point of no return in its dynamic processes" (quoted from Critical Techniques page). <br />
<br />
With the springing of markets all over various cities, towns began to intervene, once again, through spatial restrictions. London, again, provides a very enlightening example for Braudel. With the London market came the dislocation of the traditional market (public, nothing could be concealed), producer-vendor and buyer-consumer meet face to face. The distance between the two was becoming too great to be traveled by ordinary people. The merchant, or middleman, had already, from at least the thirteenth century, made his appearance in England, as a go-between for town and country, in particular in the corn trade. Gradually, chains of intermediaries were set up between producer and merchant on one hand, and between merchant and retailer on the other; along these chains passed the bulk of the trade in butter, cheese, poultry produce, fruit, vegetables and milk (Braudel, 42). Moreover, beyond goods of produce and industry (mostly crafts), land also became traded on the market. The market is then, in turn, a coterminous concept with “commodity,” as it becomes a facilitating medium for commodities. It becomes the connection, or encoding interface by which the commodity could be transformed from use-value to exchange-value. By encoding, I mean to suggest that the market becomes part of the grammar of commodities in market capitalism. How this functions I would argue is that the market becomes the system of rationality that is able to bring within a bounded geographical and symbolic system, effectively doing away with the barter system of mercantilism, and instating a mode of representation with its unit of measurement being the commodity. After it is enclosed and encoded, the market becomes the sole means by which to exchange, thus acting as a formal prohibition for all economic activity. Markets become the dominant economic media. <br />
The market then is the condition of possibility for commodities, but “the null point of social community (Buck-Morss, 437). Susan Buck-Morss goes so far as to argue that the market then elicits a certain mode of subjectivity that undergirds the market and commodity—the economic actor that is a, harkening back to the Freudian theory of human as a “bundle of instincts,” a “bounded rationality” (Buck-Morss, 466). Bounded rationality for Buck-Morss, is indicative of the effects of market-encoding or market-modeling that points towards the “depersonalization of exchange” (Buck-Morss, 437). <br />
<br />
<br />
=Theatricality in the creation of a consuming subject=<br />
<br />
Although there is much disagreement as to when consumer culture emerged fully formed, it is clear that the social transformation that accompanied its arrival required an unprecedented effort to pursuade individuals to consume as a way of life. The combined forces of advertising, branding and strategic exhibition of foreign objects, colluded in an elaborate performance which sought to embed curiosity in consuming subjects eager to witness the magic of a marketplace disrupting traditional social fabric. Although<br />
<br />
=Mail-order=<br />
<br />
=Semiotics in the Liberation of Function from Form=<br />
[[Image:Monument.jpg|right|thumb|Robert Venturi's "Recommendation for a monument" from [[Learning From Las Vegas]], 1972]]<br />
<br />
<br />
''... ours is not the environment for heroic communication through pure architecture. Each medium has its day, and the rhetorical environmental statements of our time – civic, commercial, or residential – will come from media more purely symbolic, perhaps less static and more adaptable to the scale of our environment. The iconography and mixed media of roadside commercial architecture will point the way if we will look. Housing for the elderly on the Oak Street Connector, if it had to be a monument, would have been more economical, socially responsible and amenable as a conventional apartment building,lost by the side of the expressway, with a big sign on top blinking, I AM A MONUMENT. Decoration is cheaper. <br />
<br />
- Robert Venturi,"Learning From Las Vegas," 1972''<br />
<br />
<br />
----<br />
[[Image:Vegas strip.jpg|thumb|right|The Upper Strip Looking North]]<br />
[[Image:Normal wedding-chapel-las-vegas.jpg|thumb|right|A Vegas chapel: function legitimated through semiotics]]<br />
<br />
When Robert Venturi looked to the vernacular architecture on the Las Vegas strip in the late 1960's, he saw a resurrection of symbolism in the built environment that had seemed destined for extinction in the wake of architectural modernism. Whereas the Bauhaus' legacy in modernism had stripped buildings of ornament in an attempt to unify form with function, Venturi was amazed to find a Las Vegas strip dotted with generic buildings differentiated only by elaborate ornamental signs designating the unique functions and identities of otherwise identical spaces. <br />
<br />
The Vegas strip not only violated a progression away from decoration (which led many to credit Venturi's text as the first postmodern architectural manifesto) but brought more clearly into focus the impact of the automobile upon architecture that needed to be identified from greater distances over shorter durations of time. Whereas the heroic communication of pure architecture had in the past led to forms and facades which - albeit imperfectly - communicated the activities contained within them, Venturi noted that in a land of highways and commercial strips the same system of (road) signs that enabled standardized navigation of an entire continent also enabled a faster recognition of the buildings and spaces one passed by. The vital necessity of introducing semiotic distinctions between buildings exemplified the spatial distortions that accompany accelerated movement and the distribution of communities across expanding territories.<br />
<br />
Whereas the built environment brought countless aspects of human activity into existence by anchoring them in physical space, what Venturi exposed was the cultural appropriation of semiotic systems to designate spaces whose distinctive architecture had not yet been invented. In his iconic “Recommendation for a monument” his sarcastic suggestion that decoration upon generic form was the most ethical and economic method of design, exposed the complete lack of subtlety in designs that managed to serve specific functions in the absence of architectural innovation. Rather than create a home for new human activity, it was clear that one need only name a space in order for it to serve a specific function. Although modular, multipurpose, space had been realized long ago behind the glass curtain walls of modern skyscapers, after 1972, one could not escape the vulgar conclusion that the space itself was a nostalgic theatre enabling the suspension of disbelief which designated the offices of one box from the warehouse or monument of another.<br />
<br />
In essence, symbolism had invaded space rendering residual communicative modalities in architectural form (the steeple, the column, the storefront) which directed activities within them unnecessary. In a traditional town one might recognize a church by a steeple, and civic institutions by classical architecture – but in Las Vegas one needed only to read a sign that read “CHAPEL” and a marriage could be performed. Resistance to the glass curtain and the modernist box need not be overcome by a radical re-education of a public in modernist aesthetics, but by the complete removal of ambiguity through the ultimate abstraction of the sign. Buildings had entered a realm of mediation, and the Las Vegas strip presented an intermediate phenomenon whereby one could could navigate a foreign landscape and locate a desired service or commodity in spite of all unfamiliarity with the landscape itself. <br />
<br />
Venturi's Monument, like a Vegas chapel, anticipates the remediation of spatial phenomena in immaterial spaces and illustrates that function itself is not material, but something performed by actors engaged in a collective fiction. Once it was plainly clear that all the world was a stage, it followed that with the proper, scripting, semiotic device, the market no longer needed to be a specific locality in order to function as a market.<br />
----<br />
<br />
= Market as Stage: A comparison of three Stock Markets=<br />
<br />
NASDAQ <br />
<br />
On February 8, 1971, a year prior to Venturi's publication of "Learning From Las Vegas," the world witnessed the birth of the first purely electronic stock market, NASDAQ. In contrast to traditional stock markets, NASDAQ's elimination of a trading floor helped to minimize the spread between the bid price and the ask price of a stock through it's computer bulletin board system. Although the market initially did not connect buyers and sellers directly, it presented a successor to over-the-counter finance and introduced a market function that did not depend on person to person trade. NASDAQ initially relied upon the use of telephones to connect buyers, brokers and sellers, yet currently relies upon electronic communication networks. As the world's largest stock market, in terms of companies listed and trades per day, NASDAQ is a functioning market without the spatial enclosure of a market, a product of the information age, and a phenomenon which illuminates the theatrical gestures elsewhere to preserve and exhibit a non-essential spatiality.<br />
<br />
The New York Stock Exchange - Theatrical adherence to an obsolescent culture<br />
<br />
Although the New York Stock exchange no longer engages in over-the-counter trading, its trading floor is a bustling theatre of trading activity. The floor itself might be seen as an obsolescent inefficiency, yet it is worth noting that in dollar volume, the NYSE remains a larger market than the NASDAQ despite having less listings. The NYSE is called a hybrid market because customers are given the choice of whether to send orders for immediate electronic execution or whether to submit an order to the trading floor for trading in the auction market. The preservation of human interaction on the floor itself seems to embody a nostalgia inherent in "the cake mix effect" whereby the efficiency of a sequence is interrupted by redundant steps as a defense from the obsolescence of a sequence understood to have cultural value. The floor is a tradition that is alive and well, yet this phenomenon eludes the mere prerequisite of market function, effectively defending a culture whose continued presence preserves an illusion that the market is still a market.<br />
<br />
<br />
The Shanghai Stock Exchange<br />
<br />
In perhaps the most bizarre isolation of medium from message at a time when the space of a trading floor is obsolescent, the Shanghai Stock Exchange, though entirely electronic like NASDAQ, has a trading floor which serves no market function in performance or otherwise. As a relatively new market, the physicality of a trading floor lends authority to the electronic transactions which occur in reference to it, yet it simultaneously sits as the vacant theatre of a performance which never took place. Whereas the NYSE might be understood as a monument to trading which lays claim to cultural capital and ensures continued longevity, the Shanghai Stock Exchange physical existence seems in contrast to be legitimizing a market dependent upon foreign investors that equate the physical market with a "real" market worthy of investment. The market extends Robert Venturi's visual joke into unexpected territory, announcing "I AM A MARKET" in spite of foreign anxieties which might argue otherwise.<br />
<br />
= The Market as an Object of Representation and Modeling=<br />
This section will look at how the market as an object was subsumed by "the economy," following Timothy Mitchell's argument in his article, "Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century". Mitchell argues that the objectification of the market and the economy is accomplished by economic, econometric, and governmental attempts to keep track of monetary exchange. In other words, measurements of the market serve to constitute the object they seek to measure (Mitchell 2005). Following Mitchell's argument and drawing from Randy Martin's book, ''An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management'', we propose that the death of the market as a media object was accomplished by the same process that made it; measurements of market activity become the condition of possibility for this activity in such a way that measuring and regulatory acts become immanent to actual commodities. Commodities now no longer need the frame of the market to act as a structure, providing the affordances and prohibitions of exchange. Now these regulatory/technical capacities are embedded in commodities such as derivatives and securities, as Randy Martin demonstrates.<br />
<br />
== The Market as an Organic Body ==<br />
<br />
In Braudel's definition of the market, his use of the term "economic life" implies that economic activity is alive, or that it is a site where life happens. Timothy Mitchell finds that dominant ideas of the market before the 1930s treated it as an aggregate of life forces, or "individual utilities" (Mitchell 2005, 129). The Malthusian relationship between land fertility and population size comprised the object of analysis as "an organic world of human settlement, agriculture, and the movement of populations, goods, and wealth" (Mitchell 2005, 128). <br />
<br />
Towards the end of the 1800s, the idea of the market as a separate surface began, but it was not yet a "self-contained sphere, imagined as machine whose internal mechanisms and exchanges separate it from other social processes (Mitchell 2005, 128). Rather, "The object of analysis was made up of forces, conceived as individual utilities, that were assumed to be in balance. The site of this mechanical equilibrium was 'the market'.... As a neutral, planar surface, the market of neoclassical economics had no depth, no dynamic structure, no forces of its own, no 'macro' dimension that could be described apart from the individual utilities that moved across it. It was an inert, unmoving space" (Mitchell 2005, 129). In this characterization, the market was not seen as a system. It was rather a space that could be filled with individual energy; this is quite different from the current idea of "the economy" as a thermodynamic system in which the whole exerts force onto each of the parts. In this older conception of the market, the equilibrium of individual forces was not imposed by a greater whole, but seemed to arise naturally. <br />
<br />
Mitchell argues that the term, "economy" was not used in its contemporary sense, as an object of economic analysis, until it was actually taken as an object of economic analysis by econometrics in the 1930s. This was around the same time John Maynard Keynes began to refer to "the economic system as a whole" (Mitchell 2005, 130). Mitchell characterizes econometrics as "the attempt to create a mathematical representation of the entire economic process as a self-contained and dynamic mechanism" (Mitchell 2005, 131). At this point the dynamism of the economy incorporates or subsumes a collection of markets into itself. Economic processes are seen as a totality and it is possible to distinguish between that which is internal and that which is external to this totality. External forces impact the economy, causing "reverberations throughout the internal machine" (Mitchell 2005, 133). This notion of the economy seems to persist, but perhaps with an important development. It is still understood as a systemic totality, but the external forces that impact it have been subsumed into the economy. It is understood more like an organism than a machine requiring a human laborer.<br />
<br />
== The Market as a Medium ==<br />
<br />
To what extent can the market be characterized as a medium? And, insofar as it is a medium, to what extent can the market be characterized as a ''dead'' medium? <br />
<br />
In order to answer these questions, one must consider different definitions and uses of the word, market. Fernand Braudel defines the market as that which mediates between material life and economic life. This understanding is obsolete because the possibility of mediation requires a prior separation between the two entities--in this case material and economic life--being mediated. A Marxist reading of capitalism, especially as it was taken up by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics, suggests that material and economic life are no longer separate, that the economy has become a condition of possibility for material life, and is therefore immanent to it. The market as a medium in this regard is dead.<br />
<br />
The market can refer to a physical place where commodities are exchanged, as in a marketplace, but it is also a conceptual category used to characterize the aggregate of economic exchange in a given totality, such as "the U.S. market," or of any specific commodity, such as "the housing market". <br />
<br />
The market as a site of buying and selling: To the extent that the market is understood to be a spatial entity, or object, containing/enclosing acts of economic exchange, the market is dead. <br />
<br />
Market as a conceptual category referring to a specific type of commodity that can be bought and sold (i.e., the job market, the stock market). The stipulation is that there has to be more than one seller offering the commodity to at least one buyer. The sellers exist in a market competing for the buyers, who can choose between them. [Is competition alive or dead? Is there any such thing as a "free market"?]<br />
<br />
== The Economy as a Represented Object==<br />
<br />
Timothy Mitchell talks about the economy as an object, an entity, that was constructed by studies of it and attempts to regulate it. This process of regulation sounds like it should be outside of economic activity, but he is saying that it constitutes economic activity. The economy is an object of economics, econometrics, government regulation, etc. In other words, it is an object of calculation and restriction. <br />
<br />
In the 1930s the term "the economy" began to represent an economic whole that included and coordinated markets into one coherent system, delineated by national boundaries.Mitchell, Economists, 126: Mitchell argues that, "...the economy became the object of economic knowledge only quite recently. Not until the 1930s did economists begin to write about an object called the economy, and only by the middle of the century was the term as it is understood today in general use. Second, 'economy' was not just a new word for an existing sphere or underlying substance; its arrival marked the emergence of novel forms of sociotechnical practice that formed and performed the economy as a new object of professional knowledge and political practice."<br />
<br />
== Modes of Representation ==<br />
<br />
A capitalist market needs to have what Timothy Mitchell calls an "apparatus of representation" in order to convert material into abstract capital. Mitchell, Markets, 9: Characterizing de Soto's argument: "The most important difference between successful capitalist economies and the rest of the world lies not in the wealth they possess... but in how that wealth is held." "Representations of material goods transform their value into abstract forms, which can live an 'invisible, parallel life' alongside their physical existnece. The West has invented procedures to create these invisible forms. Individuals in the West can unlock the assets accumulated in physical property, transforming material wealth into abstract capital" (Mitchell, 2006, 9).<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 1-2: "Markets would not work if people were not allowed to exclude things, to leave certain costs or claims out of the calculation, and to deny responsibility for certain consequences. Economic analysis helps organize these exclusions, helps distinguish what can count in the act of exchange from what cannot, what must be paid for and what should not. From this perspective, economics should be analyzed not in terms of the reality it represents (or fails to represent), but in terms of the arrangements and exclusions it helps to produce."<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 3: "Enframing a market does not happen only by employing the methods of classification or calculation that economic theory may provide. The exclusions on which market transactions depend take a variety of forms, and acquire different degrees of force and effectiveness."<br />
<br />
The idea of the "free market" continues to be an ideal of self-regulating economic life not subject to external control. The free market is not just a utopic dream about how the market once was, and might one day be again, but also a mathematical and conceptual abstraction of the current market from all of the factors with which it is implicated. As Mitchell points out, "the idea persists that the market, indeed capitalism in general, has a boundary. The boundary is thought to separate the market from the large areas of material activity and resources that seem to exist beyond its limit" (Mitchell 2007, 5-6).<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 5-6: "Despite the porosity of such arrangements, the idea persists that the market, indeed capitalism in general, has a boundary. The boundary is thought to separate the market from the large areas of material activity and resources that seem to exist beyond its limit. For countries outside the West, the idea of a boundary provides a common way not just to think about these places but to diagnose their problems and design appropriate remedies. Such remedies are increasingly popular. Older ways of approaching non-western development typically referred to different sectors of the economy, such as the traditional and the modern, the rural and the urban, or the agrarian and the industrial. These sectors had moving and sometimes overlapping boundaries. Development could be planned as a series of transitions, in which people and resources were to be moved from one sector to another, or in which the expansion of the market transformed different parts of the economy at different moments. Since the changes occurred over time, the difference between the non-market and the market, or the non-capitalist and the capitalist, represented as much a temporal transition as a territorial one. Today those sorts of temporal-spatial understandings often appear to have been displaced by a much simpler set of proposals: the capitalist economy is surrounded by a boundary, outside which stands the non-capitalist, non-market world. The task of development economics is to help extend the rules of the market into these other spaces."<br />
<br />
THE LINE DEMARCATING CAPITALISM IS THE TERRAIN OF CAPITALISM, Mitchel, Markets, 7: "'''the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism'''."<br />
<br />
ECONOMICS CONTROLS REPRESENTATIONS: Mitchel, Markets, 7: "...in describing what this nonmarket world lacks, neoclassical economics tends to diagnose its defects as an absence of techniques of representation. Things are stuck outside the market because they are not properly represented-- by property records, prices, or other systems of reference. What economic analysis does, however, is not to represent what was previously unrepresented, but to try and reorganize the circulation and control of representations."<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=== Spatial Representation ===<br />
The purpose of any space is determined by both the symbols used to<br />
designate where one is (ie an open for business sign), and the<br />
practices that take place there. In "Learning From Las Vegas," Robert<br />
Venturi takes a close look at how the Vegas Strip (in the late 60's)<br />
consisted of buildings that were differentiated primarily by flashy<br />
signs decorating unoriginal buildings (what he called the "decorated<br />
shed." He traced the phenomenon to the impact of speed on<br />
architecture - mainly that in a landscape where one drives past<br />
buildings, signs enable one to differentiate one space from another at<br />
a faster speed than differentiated architectures could (which is why<br />
signs matter so much for businesses on highways).<br />
<br />
What makes this so interesting is that when semiotics are reintroduced<br />
into architecture, communicating the specific use of a generic space,<br />
buildings enter a mediated realm - And I think that's key here - that<br />
when people believe they're in a market when they see a "market" sign,<br />
it enables the use of a spatial semiotic to successfully mediate the<br />
entire space provided that the same activity occurs - which is really<br />
just to say that the Las Vegas strip is this intermediate phenomenon<br />
whereby we all can find what we want in foreign places, and that's<br />
precisely the mechanism by which we can create a market without the<br />
actual space of a market (a shopping cart icon does the trick!).<br />
<br />
= New Forms =<br />
<br />
The market is traditionally understood to be free in its essence, but subject to external regulation. The notion of the free market is associated with natural life, or life-itself; it is seen as an organic social mode of exchange. In fact, it sort of was at first, but this is dead. Now regulation is embedded in the actual commodities. Capital flows, risks, and price fluctuations, are all coded, rather than the objects. The market as an object, a separate sphere, is dead. It is not life being confined in a space and regulated from the outside; it is rather a collapsing of technical conditions and energy. No longer about matter. No longer about material commodities used by a body.<br />
<br />
<br />
== From Citizen to Private Investor ==<br />
<br />
=== Personalized Advertising ===<br />
<br />
<br />
== The Death of Equilibrium/Equilibrium as Death ==<br />
<br />
Randy Martin looks at U.S.'s switch from creditor to debtor nation in the 1980s. Consumption without production. Risk becomes a sign of strength and power and security a sign of weakness (Martin, 28). Then debt gets repackaged as securities. Went off gold standard. "Now monetary movement was being freed to spread the wealth. Equilibrium-- key to Bretton Woods and early monetarist currency controls-- was no longer a condition of exchange. The dollar's spread, the expansion of debt and speculation, fostered disequilibrium and its attendant risks as a new horizon of opportunity. Fixing exchange to a physical standard perpetuated the image of the economy as a closed system. It could grow in proportion to the balance of inputs and outputs" (Martin, 29).<br />
<br />
The organic model of the economy as a closed system: "An economy could become overheated and melt down or explode. The social sciences more generally were predicated on this image of a closed system. The system adapted to internal strains by growth and differentiation. It maintained boundaries, kept out threatening uncertainties, and externalized unintended consequences from its internal decisions" (Martin, 28-29). <br />
<br />
"As financial reason overtook the system-based moral and political economy, as the investor who knows no country elbowed out the consumer-citizen of the nation-state, the organic closed system, result of the social sciences' unacknowledged metaphorizing of the social, was morphing into a different kind of beast" (Martin, 29).<br />
<br />
=== Futurity in the Present ===<br />
<br />
Branding: "In its infinite differentiation of product ranges, branding plays with a combination of familiarity plus novelty, a ''past-futurity''. New memories installed that you have not phenomenologically experienced in order to produce a certain receptivity to brand triggers" (Parisi and Goodman, 2006).<br />
<br />
=== Coding of Risk, Instability ===<br />
<br />
How to understand market activity after the traditional market dies. Instead of coding commodities as valuable (Mitchell, 2007), Randy Martin argues that capitalism is following a financial logic, which extracts value from predicting future price fluctuations, interest rates, exchange rates, and packages this risk into new kinds of commodities, such as derivatives and securities.<br />
<br />
"Properly ascertained risk, not growth per se, is what yields rewards. The trade in risk avoidance devolves into a profit on risk itself" (Martin, 33).<br />
<br />
==== Derivatives ====<br />
<br />
A derivative is a contract on "some variation in price" (Martin, 31). EXAMPLE: "a firm selling a product overseas that will not be deliverable for several years will create a contract to fix currency exchange rates for the time when the product is finished. The expected difference between current and future exchange rates can then be sold as a separate commodity" (Martin, 31). "A similar contract could hedge against a change in interest rates, or the price of raw materials, or delivery costs" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
<br />
"Derivatives remove reference from the commodity. They allow debt to serve as a productive medium from which countless commodities can be spawned. Derivatives are promissory notes issued between firms. They represent a prime vehicle with which industrial corporations undertake the function of banks by engaging in financial services." (Martin, 31)<br />
<br />
"The derivative is a sign of the shift in the beneficiaries of development from populations or nations to other economic actors. Those who can steward risk will advance....The capacity for financial decision making trumps democratic involvement to decide political representation" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
==== Securities ====<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
Braudel, Fernand. 1982. The wheels of commerce. New York: Harper & Row.<br />
<br />
Buck-Morss, Susan. Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display. Critical Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter, 1995), pp. 434-467. The University of Chicago Press<br />
<br />
Clough, Patricia, et. al. Notes Towards a Theory of Affect Itself.<br />
<br />
Jameson Fredric, “Culture and Finance Capital,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1, (1997 ), pp. 246-265. <br />
<br />
Martin, Randy. 2007. And Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management. Durham and London: Duke University Press.<br />
<br />
Massumi, Brian. The Future Birth of the Affective Fact. DATE JOURNAL<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. 2005. Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century. ''The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences: Positivism and its Epistemological Others'', edited by George Steinmetz.<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. [From an early version of the following paper.] 2007. The Properties of Markets. ''Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics''. Edited by Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />
<br />
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Braudel on Capitalism, or Everything Upside Down” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 2, A Special Issue on Modern France (Jun., 1991), pp. 354-361</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=The_Market&diff=4569The Market2008-04-16T15:12:33Z<p>Samhan: /* References */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Image:Shopping Cart.jpg]]<br />
<br />
In this dossier's engagement with the intersection of the built and mediated environment, we interpret Marshall Mcluhan's argument that the remediation process whereby one medium survives as the content of another is the preservation of a distinct ''function'' in the midst of informatic and material transformation. This is not to suggest any predetermined trajectory of cultural obsolescence whereby a pre-existing function is stripped of cultural obstacles in its way, but rather to note that, ''in hindsight, content's transformative mechanism of appropriation enables us to examine behavioral systems, and the environment that housed them, as dead media,'' and that such dead media provide insights into a story of the concentration and distillation of culture into the symbolic content of later media which house cultural remains. <br />
<br />
Within the larger discussion of critical techniques this Archive attempts to employ, this dossier might also best be understood as an attempt to bridge our understanding of the isolation of <br />
medium from message (in the hermes model) with our understanding of the communicative properties of materials which exhibit no such fragmentation (in the iris model), as well as the rhizomatic, independent, message function that, in its ubiquitous employabilty, conforms to no specific medium (the furies model). Far from suggesting an evolutionary hierarchy towards the immaterial, the market may, however, provide deeper insights into our understanding of the remediating processes at work in each of the three. <br />
<br />
We trace the process whereby the concentration of trading behavior and its eventual standardization was enabled by its enclosure in the space of the market, and the processes whereby this concentration separated market activity from a distinct built environment, isolating a function which is non-physical and anticipates the remediation of the market in the scripting content of immaterial spaces. Although we make no attempt to argue that physical market sites no longer exist, we do attempt to expose the informatic and material shifts that have obsolesced such physical environments, rendering the built environments that remain stages which serve a social function that is, in itself, a commodity. Although we attempt to identify the legacy of this fragmentation in the built environment and in the spaces which now bear witness to the market function in unexpected forms, we hope that future contributions will enrich and complicate the conceptual and mediatic transformations that accompanied the resurrection of symbolism in architecture.<br />
<br />
[[Image:Colourful shopping carts.jpg|thumb|right| What was once a spatial locality with a distinct form and use is now pure function with no distinct materiality]] [[Image:TUR1491SpiceBazaar.jpg]] <br />
<br />
=Theatricality in the creation of a consuming subject=<br />
<br />
Although there is much disagreement as to when consumer culture emerged fully formed, it is clear that the social transformation that accompanied its arrival required an unprecedented effort to pursuade individuals to consume as a way of life. The combined forces of advertising, branding and strategic exhibition of foreign objects, colluded in an elaborate performance which sought to embed curiosity in consuming subjects eager to witness the magic of a marketplace disrupting traditional social fabric. Although<br />
<br />
=Mail-order=<br />
<br />
=Semiotics in the Liberation of Function from Form=<br />
[[Image:Monument.jpg|right|thumb|Robert Venturi's "Recommendation for a monument" from [[Learning From Las Vegas]], 1972]]<br />
<br />
<br />
''... ours is not the environment for heroic communication through pure architecture. Each medium has its day, and the rhetorical environmental statements of our time – civic, commercial, or residential – will come from media more purely symbolic, perhaps less static and more adaptable to the scale of our environment. The iconography and mixed media of roadside commercial architecture will point the way if we will look. Housing for the elderly on the Oak Street Connector, if it had to be a monument, would have been more economical, socially responsible and amenable as a conventional apartment building,lost by the side of the expressway, with a big sign on top blinking, I AM A MONUMENT. Decoration is cheaper. <br />
<br />
- Robert Venturi,"Learning From Las Vegas," 1972''<br />
<br />
<br />
----<br />
[[Image:Vegas strip.jpg|thumb|right|The Upper Strip Looking North]]<br />
[[Image:Normal wedding-chapel-las-vegas.jpg|thumb|right|A Vegas chapel: function legitimated through semiotics]]<br />
<br />
When Robert Venturi looked to the vernacular architecture on the Las Vegas strip in the late 1960's, he saw a resurrection of symbolism in the built environment that had seemed destined for extinction in the wake of architectural modernism. Whereas the Bauhaus' legacy in modernism had stripped buildings of ornament in an attempt to unify form with function, Venturi was amazed to find a Las Vegas strip dotted with generic buildings differentiated only by elaborate ornamental signs designating the unique functions and identities of otherwise identical spaces. <br />
<br />
The Vegas strip not only violated a progression away from decoration (which led many to credit Venturi's text as the first postmodern architectural manifesto) but brought more clearly into focus the impact of the automobile upon architecture that needed to be identified from greater distances over shorter durations of time. Whereas the heroic communication of pure architecture had in the past led to forms and facades which - albeit imperfectly - communicated the activities contained within them, Venturi noted that in a land of highways and commercial strips the same system of (road) signs that enabled standardized navigation of an entire continent also enabled a faster recognition of the buildings and spaces one passed by. The vital necessity of introducing semiotic distinctions between buildings exemplified the spatial distortions that accompany accelerated movement and the distribution of communities across expanding territories.<br />
<br />
Whereas the built environment brought countless aspects of human activity into existence by anchoring them in physical space, what Venturi exposed was the cultural appropriation of semiotic systems to designate spaces whose distinctive architecture had not yet been invented. In his iconic “Recommendation for a monument” his sarcastic suggestion that decoration upon generic form was the most ethical and economic method of design, exposed the complete lack of subtlety in designs that managed to serve specific functions in the absence of architectural innovation. Rather than create a home for new human activity, it was clear that one need only name a space in order for it to serve a specific function. Although modular, multipurpose, space had been realized long ago behind the glass curtain walls of modern skyscapers, after 1972, one could not escape the vulgar conclusion that the space itself was a nostalgic theatre enabling the suspension of disbelief which designated the offices of one box from the warehouse or monument of another.<br />
<br />
In essence, symbolism had invaded space rendering residual communicative modalities in architectural form (the steeple, the column, the storefront) which directed activities within them unnecessary. In a traditional town one might recognize a church by a steeple, and civic institutions by classical architecture – but in Las Vegas one needed only to read a sign that read “CHAPEL” and a marriage could be performed. Resistance to the glass curtain and the modernist box need not be overcome by a radical re-education of a public in modernist aesthetics, but by the complete removal of ambiguity through the ultimate abstraction of the sign. Buildings had entered a realm of mediation, and the Las Vegas strip presented an intermediate phenomenon whereby one could could navigate a foreign landscape and locate a desired service or commodity in spite of all unfamiliarity with the landscape itself. <br />
<br />
Venturi's Monument, like a Vegas chapel, anticipates the remediation of spatial phenomena in immaterial spaces and illustrates that function itself is not material, but something performed by actors engaged in a collective fiction. Once it was plainly clear that all the world was a stage, it followed that with the proper, scripting, semiotic device, the market no longer needed to be a specific locality in order to function as a market.<br />
----<br />
<br />
= Market as Stage: A comparison of three Stock Markets=<br />
<br />
NASDAQ <br />
<br />
On February 8, 1971, a year prior to Venturi's publication of "Learning From Las Vegas," the world witnessed the birth of the first purely electronic stock market, NASDAQ. In contrast to traditional stock markets, NASDAQ's elimination of a trading floor helped to minimize the spread between the bid price and the ask price of a stock through it's computer bulletin board system. Although the market initially did not connect buyers and sellers directly, it presented a successor to over-the-counter finance and introduced a market function that did not depend on person to person trade. NASDAQ initially relied upon the use of telephones to connect buyers, brokers and sellers, yet currently relies upon electronic communication networks. As the world's largest stock market, in terms of companies listed and trades per day, NASDAQ is a functioning market without the spatial enclosure of a market, a product of the information age, and a phenomenon which illuminates the theatrical gestures elsewhere to preserve and exhibit a non-essential spatiality.<br />
<br />
The New York Stock Exchange - Theatrical adherence to an obsolescent culture<br />
<br />
Although the New York Stock exchange no longer engages in over-the-counter trading, its trading floor is a bustling theatre of trading activity. The floor itself might be seen as an obsolescent inefficiency, yet it is worth noting that in dollar volume, the NYSE remains a larger market than the NASDAQ despite having less listings. The NYSE is called a hybrid market because customers are given the choice of whether to send orders for immediate electronic execution or whether to submit an order to the trading floor for trading in the auction market. The preservation of human interaction on the floor itself seems to embody a nostalgia inherent in "the cake mix effect" whereby the efficiency of a sequence is interrupted by redundant steps as a defense from the obsolescence of a sequence understood to have cultural value. The floor is a tradition that is alive and well, yet this phenomenon eludes the mere prerequisite of market function, effectively defending a culture whose continued presence preserves an illusion that the market is still a market.<br />
<br />
<br />
The Shanghai Stock Exchange<br />
<br />
In perhaps the most bizarre isolation of medium from message at a time when the space of a trading floor is obsolescent, the Shanghai Stock Exchange, though entirely electronic like NASDAQ, has a trading floor which serves no market function in performance or otherwise. As a relatively new market, the physicality of a trading floor lends authority to the electronic transactions which occur in reference to it, yet it simultaneously sits as the vacant theatre of a performance which never took place. Whereas the NYSE might be understood as a monument to trading which lays claim to cultural capital and ensures continued longevity, the Shanghai Stock Exchange physical existence seems in contrast to be legitimizing a market dependent upon foreign investors that equate the physical market with a "real" market worthy of investment. The market extends Robert Venturi's visual joke into unexpected territory, announcing "I AM A MARKET" in spite of foreign anxieties which might argue otherwise.<br />
<br />
= The Market as an Object of Representation and Modeling=<br />
This section will look at how the market as an object was subsumed by "the economy," following Timothy Mitchell's argument in his article, "Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century". Mitchell argues that the objectification of the market and the economy is accomplished by economic, econometric, and governmental attempts to keep track of monetary exchange. In other words, measurements of the market serve to constitute the object they seek to measure (Mitchell 2005). Following Mitchell's argument and drawing from Randy Martin's book, ''An Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management'', we propose that the death of the market as a media object was accomplished by the same process that made it; measurements of market activity become the condition of possibility for this activity in such a way that measuring and regulatory acts become immanent to actual commodities. Commodities now no longer need the frame of the market to act as a structure, providing the affordances and prohibitions of exchange. Now these regulatory/technical capacities are embedded in commodities such as derivatives and securities, as Randy Martin demonstrates.<br />
<br />
== The Market as an Organic Body ==<br />
<br />
In Braudel's definition of the market, his use of the term "economic life" implies that economic activity is alive, or that it is a site where life happens. Timothy Mitchell finds that dominant ideas of the market before the 1930s treated it as an aggregate of life forces, or "individual utilities" (Mitchell 2005, 129). The Malthusian relationship between land fertility and population size comprised the object of analysis as "an organic world of human settlement, agriculture, and the movement of populations, goods, and wealth" (Mitchell 2005, 128). <br />
<br />
Towards the end of the 1800s, the idea of the market as a separate surface began, but it was not yet a "self-contained sphere, imagined as machine whose internal mechanisms and exchanges separate it from other social processes (Mitchell 2005, 128). Rather, "The object of analysis was made up of forces, conceived as individual utilities, that were assumed to be in balance. The site of this mechanical equilibrium was 'the market'.... As a neutral, planar surface, the market of neoclassical economics had no depth, no dynamic structure, no forces of its own, no 'macro' dimension that could be described apart from the individual utilities that moved across it. It was an inert, unmoving space" (Mitchell 2005, 129). In this characterization, the market was not seen as a system. It was rather a space that could be filled with individual energy; this is quite different from the current idea of "the economy" as a thermodynamic system in which the whole exerts force onto each of the parts. In this older conception of the market, the equilibrium of individual forces was not imposed by a greater whole, but seemed to arise naturally. <br />
<br />
Mitchell argues that the term, "economy" was not used in its contemporary sense, as an object of economic analysis, until it was actually taken as an object of economic analysis by econometrics in the 1930s. This was around the same time John Maynard Keynes began to refer to "the economic system as a whole" (Mitchell 2005, 130). Mitchell characterizes econometrics as "the attempt to create a mathematical representation of the entire economic process as a self-contained and dynamic mechanism" (Mitchell 2005, 131). At this point the dynamism of the economy incorporates or subsumes a collection of markets into itself. Economic processes are seen as a totality and it is possible to distinguish between that which is internal and that which is external to this totality. External forces impact the economy, causing "reverberations throughout the internal machine" (Mitchell 2005, 133). This notion of the economy seems to persist, but perhaps with an important development. It is still understood as a systemic totality, but the external forces that impact it have been subsumed into the economy. It is understood more like an organism than a machine requiring a human laborer.<br />
<br />
== The Market as a Medium ==<br />
<br />
To what extent can the market be characterized as a medium? And, insofar as it is a medium, to what extent can the market be characterized as a ''dead'' medium? <br />
<br />
In order to answer these questions, one must consider different definitions and uses of the word, market. Fernand Braudel defines the market as that which mediates between material life and economic life. This understanding is obsolete because the possibility of mediation requires a prior separation between the two entities--in this case material and economic life--being mediated. A Marxist reading of capitalism, especially as it was taken up by Michel Foucault in his concept of biopolitics, suggests that material and economic life are no longer separate, that the economy has become a condition of possibility for material life, and is therefore immanent to it. The market as a medium in this regard is dead.<br />
<br />
The market can refer to a physical place where commodities are exchanged, as in a marketplace, but it is also a conceptual category used to characterize the aggregate of economic exchange in a given totality, such as "the U.S. market," or of any specific commodity, such as "the housing market". <br />
<br />
The market as a site of buying and selling: To the extent that the market is understood to be a spatial entity, or object, containing/enclosing acts of economic exchange, the market is dead. <br />
<br />
Market as a conceptual category referring to a specific type of commodity that can be bought and sold (i.e., the job market, the stock market). The stipulation is that there has to be more than one seller offering the commodity to at least one buyer. The sellers exist in a market competing for the buyers, who can choose between them. [Is competition alive or dead? Is there any such thing as a "free market"?]<br />
<br />
== The Economy as a Represented Object==<br />
<br />
Timothy Mitchell talks about the economy as an object, an entity, that was constructed by studies of it and attempts to regulate it. This process of regulation sounds like it should be outside of economic activity, but he is saying that it constitutes economic activity. The economy is an object of economics, econometrics, government regulation, etc. In other words, it is an object of calculation and restriction. <br />
<br />
In the 1930s the term "the economy" began to represent an economic whole that included and coordinated markets into one coherent system, delineated by national boundaries.Mitchell, Economists, 126: Mitchell argues that, "...the economy became the object of economic knowledge only quite recently. Not until the 1930s did economists begin to write about an object called the economy, and only by the middle of the century was the term as it is understood today in general use. Second, 'economy' was not just a new word for an existing sphere or underlying substance; its arrival marked the emergence of novel forms of sociotechnical practice that formed and performed the economy as a new object of professional knowledge and political practice."<br />
<br />
== Modes of Representation ==<br />
<br />
A capitalist market needs to have what Timothy Mitchell calls an "apparatus of representation" in order to convert material into abstract capital. Mitchell, Markets, 9: Characterizing de Soto's argument: "The most important difference between successful capitalist economies and the rest of the world lies not in the wealth they possess... but in how that wealth is held." "Representations of material goods transform their value into abstract forms, which can live an 'invisible, parallel life' alongside their physical existnece. The West has invented procedures to create these invisible forms. Individuals in the West can unlock the assets accumulated in physical property, transforming material wealth into abstract capital" (Mitchell, 2006, 9).<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 1-2: "Markets would not work if people were not allowed to exclude things, to leave certain costs or claims out of the calculation, and to deny responsibility for certain consequences. Economic analysis helps organize these exclusions, helps distinguish what can count in the act of exchange from what cannot, what must be paid for and what should not. From this perspective, economics should be analyzed not in terms of the reality it represents (or fails to represent), but in terms of the arrangements and exclusions it helps to produce."<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 3: "Enframing a market does not happen only by employing the methods of classification or calculation that economic theory may provide. The exclusions on which market transactions depend take a variety of forms, and acquire different degrees of force and effectiveness."<br />
<br />
The idea of the "free market" continues to be an ideal of self-regulating economic life not subject to external control. The free market is not just a utopic dream about how the market once was, and might one day be again, but also a mathematical and conceptual abstraction of the current market from all of the factors with which it is implicated. As Mitchell points out, "the idea persists that the market, indeed capitalism in general, has a boundary. The boundary is thought to separate the market from the large areas of material activity and resources that seem to exist beyond its limit" (Mitchell 2007, 5-6).<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Markets, 5-6: "Despite the porosity of such arrangements, the idea persists that the market, indeed capitalism in general, has a boundary. The boundary is thought to separate the market from the large areas of material activity and resources that seem to exist beyond its limit. For countries outside the West, the idea of a boundary provides a common way not just to think about these places but to diagnose their problems and design appropriate remedies. Such remedies are increasingly popular. Older ways of approaching non-western development typically referred to different sectors of the economy, such as the traditional and the modern, the rural and the urban, or the agrarian and the industrial. These sectors had moving and sometimes overlapping boundaries. Development could be planned as a series of transitions, in which people and resources were to be moved from one sector to another, or in which the expansion of the market transformed different parts of the economy at different moments. Since the changes occurred over time, the difference between the non-market and the market, or the non-capitalist and the capitalist, represented as much a temporal transition as a territorial one. Today those sorts of temporal-spatial understandings often appear to have been displaced by a much simpler set of proposals: the capitalist economy is surrounded by a boundary, outside which stands the non-capitalist, non-market world. The task of development economics is to help extend the rules of the market into these other spaces."<br />
<br />
THE LINE DEMARCATING CAPITALISM IS THE TERRAIN OF CAPITALISM, Mitchel, Markets, 7: "'''the distinction between market and non-market or capitalist and non-capitalist should be considered not as a thin line but as a broad terrain, in fact a frontier region that covers the entire territory of what is called capitalism'''."<br />
<br />
ECONOMICS CONTROLS REPRESENTATIONS: Mitchel, Markets, 7: "...in describing what this nonmarket world lacks, neoclassical economics tends to diagnose its defects as an absence of techniques of representation. Things are stuck outside the market because they are not properly represented-- by property records, prices, or other systems of reference. What economic analysis does, however, is not to represent what was previously unrepresented, but to try and reorganize the circulation and control of representations."<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=== Spatial Representation ===<br />
The purpose of any space is determined by both the symbols used to<br />
designate where one is (ie an open for business sign), and the<br />
practices that take place there. In "Learning From Las Vegas," Robert<br />
Venturi takes a close look at how the Vegas Strip (in the late 60's)<br />
consisted of buildings that were differentiated primarily by flashy<br />
signs decorating unoriginal buildings (what he called the "decorated<br />
shed." He traced the phenomenon to the impact of speed on<br />
architecture - mainly that in a landscape where one drives past<br />
buildings, signs enable one to differentiate one space from another at<br />
a faster speed than differentiated architectures could (which is why<br />
signs matter so much for businesses on highways).<br />
<br />
What makes this so interesting is that when semiotics are reintroduced<br />
into architecture, communicating the specific use of a generic space,<br />
buildings enter a mediated realm - And I think that's key here - that<br />
when people believe they're in a market when they see a "market" sign,<br />
it enables the use of a spatial semiotic to successfully mediate the<br />
entire space provided that the same activity occurs - which is really<br />
just to say that the Las Vegas strip is this intermediate phenomenon<br />
whereby we all can find what we want in foreign places, and that's<br />
precisely the mechanism by which we can create a market without the<br />
actual space of a market (a shopping cart icon does the trick!).<br />
<br />
= New Forms =<br />
<br />
The market is traditionally understood to be free in its essence, but subject to external regulation. The notion of the free market is associated with natural life, or life-itself; it is seen as an organic social mode of exchange. In fact, it sort of was at first, but this is dead. Now regulation is embedded in the actual commodities. Capital flows, risks, and price fluctuations, are all coded, rather than the objects. The market as an object, a separate sphere, is dead. It is not life being confined in a space and regulated from the outside; it is rather a collapsing of technical conditions and energy. No longer about matter. No longer about material commodities used by a body.<br />
<br />
<br />
== From Citizen to Private Investor ==<br />
<br />
=== Personalized Advertising ===<br />
<br />
<br />
== The Death of Equilibrium/Equilibrium as Death ==<br />
<br />
Randy Martin looks at U.S.'s switch from creditor to debtor nation in the 1980s. Consumption without production. Risk becomes a sign of strength and power and security a sign of weakness (Martin, 28). Then debt gets repackaged as securities. Went off gold standard. "Now monetary movement was being freed to spread the wealth. Equilibrium-- key to Bretton Woods and early monetarist currency controls-- was no longer a condition of exchange. The dollar's spread, the expansion of debt and speculation, fostered disequilibrium and its attendant risks as a new horizon of opportunity. Fixing exchange to a physical standard perpetuated the image of the economy as a closed system. It could grow in proportion to the balance of inputs and outputs" (Martin, 29).<br />
<br />
The organic model of the economy as a closed system: "An economy could become overheated and melt down or explode. The social sciences more generally were predicated on this image of a closed system. The system adapted to internal strains by growth and differentiation. It maintained boundaries, kept out threatening uncertainties, and externalized unintended consequences from its internal decisions" (Martin, 28-29). <br />
<br />
"As financial reason overtook the system-based moral and political economy, as the investor who knows no country elbowed out the consumer-citizen of the nation-state, the organic closed system, result of the social sciences' unacknowledged metaphorizing of the social, was morphing into a different kind of beast" (Martin, 29).<br />
<br />
=== Futurity in the Present ===<br />
<br />
Branding: "In its infinite differentiation of product ranges, branding plays with a combination of familiarity plus novelty, a ''past-futurity''. New memories installed that you have not phenomenologically experienced in order to produce a certain receptivity to brand triggers" (Parisi and Goodman, 2006).<br />
<br />
=== Coding of Risk, Instability ===<br />
<br />
How to understand market activity after the traditional market dies. Instead of coding commodities as valuable (Mitchell, 2007), Randy Martin argues that capitalism is following a financial logic, which extracts value from predicting future price fluctuations, interest rates, exchange rates, and packages this risk into new kinds of commodities, such as derivatives and securities.<br />
<br />
"Properly ascertained risk, not growth per se, is what yields rewards. The trade in risk avoidance devolves into a profit on risk itself" (Martin, 33).<br />
<br />
==== Derivatives ====<br />
<br />
A derivative is a contract on "some variation in price" (Martin, 31). EXAMPLE: "a firm selling a product overseas that will not be deliverable for several years will create a contract to fix currency exchange rates for the time when the product is finished. The expected difference between current and future exchange rates can then be sold as a separate commodity" (Martin, 31). "A similar contract could hedge against a change in interest rates, or the price of raw materials, or delivery costs" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
<br />
"Derivatives remove reference from the commodity. They allow debt to serve as a productive medium from which countless commodities can be spawned. Derivatives are promissory notes issued between firms. They represent a prime vehicle with which industrial corporations undertake the function of banks by engaging in financial services." (Martin, 31)<br />
<br />
"The derivative is a sign of the shift in the beneficiaries of development from populations or nations to other economic actors. Those who can steward risk will advance....The capacity for financial decision making trumps democratic involvement to decide political representation" (Martin, 31).<br />
<br />
==== Securities ====<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
Braudel, Fernand. 1982. The wheels of commerce. New York: Harper & Row.<br />
<br />
Buck-Morss, Susan. Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display. Critical Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Winter, 1995), pp. 434-467. The University of Chicago Press<br />
<br />
Clough, Patricia, et. al. Notes Towards a Theory of Affect Itself.<br />
<br />
Jameson Fredric, “Culture and Finance Capital,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 24, No. 1, (1997 ), pp. 246-265. <br />
<br />
Martin, Randy. 2007. And Empire of Indifference: American War and the Financial Logic of Risk Management. Durham and London: Duke University Press.<br />
<br />
Massumi, Brian. The Future Birth of the Affective Fact. DATE JOURNAL<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. 2005. Economists and the Economy in the Twentieth Century. ''The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences: Positivism and its Epistemological Others'', edited by George Steinmetz.<br />
<br />
Mitchell, Timothy. [From an early version of the following paper.] 2007. The Properties of Markets. ''Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics''. Edited by Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />
<br />
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Braudel on Capitalism, or Everything Upside Down” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 2, A Special Issue on Modern France (Jun., 1991), pp. 354-361</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3983Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T19:39:56Z<p>Samhan: </p>
<hr />
<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would be remediated into various forms after the Middle Ages, most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). [[Image:Manraycompass1920.jpg |thumb|"The Compass"(1920)by Man Ray]]<br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===<br />
[[Image:Compasschin.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle]]<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
<br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
<br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
<br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1)magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
<br />
(2)the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
<br />
(3)the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
<br />
(4)the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). [[Image:32pointcompass.jpg|thumb|32 Point Compass with Rose]]<br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [[Image:primitive_navigation.jpg|thumb|A dramatization of primitive navigation]] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [[Image:Celestial_navigation.jpg|thumb|Celestial Navigation]]<br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects.[[Image:Quadrant.jpg|thumb|Quadrant]] The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [[Image:Crossstaff.jpg|thumb|Cross Staff]] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
[[Image:Coppa.jpg|thumb|The Coppa Tarantina]]<br />
<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map (see [[Marine Chronometer]] ; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology.[[Image:Orbisptolemaei.jpg|thumb|Ptolemaic Map]]<br />
<br />
=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
<br />
=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
<br />
The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
<br />
=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
<br />
=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
<br />
Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
<br />
=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
<br />
(1)Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
<br />
(2)Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
<br />
(3)Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
<br />
For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion.<br />
<br />
== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
<br />
“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
<br />
== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
<br />
This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
<br />
== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
Frake, Charles O. "Cognitive Maps of Time and Tide Among Medieval Seafarers," Man, New Series, Vol. 20, No. 2. (Jun., 1985), pp. 254-270.<br />
<br />
Gies, Frances, and Joseph Gies. Cathedral, Forge, and Waterwheel: Technology and Invention in the Middle Ages. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1994.<br />
<br />
Lane, Fredric C. "The Economic Meaning of the Invention of the Compass," The American Historical Review, Vol. 68, No. 3. (Apr.,1963), pp. 605-617.<br />
<br />
Law,John. "On the Methods of Long Distance Control: Vessels, Navigation, and the Portuguese Route to India," published by the Centre for Science Studies, Lancaster University, Lancaster LA1 4YN, at http://www.comp.lancs.ac.uk/sociology/papers/Law-Methods-of-Long-DIstance-Control.pdf<br />
<br />
Kreutz, Barbara. "Mediterranean Contributions to the Medieval Mariner's Compass,"Technology and Culture, Vol. 14, No. 3. (Jul., 1973), pp.367-383.<br />
<br />
Taylor, E.G.R. " The Early Navigator," The Geographical Journal, Vol. 113. (Jan. - Jun., 1949), pp. 58-61.<br />
______________."The South-Pointing Needle," Imago Mundi, Vol. 8. (1951), pp. 1-7.<br />
<br />
White, Lynn. Medieval Religion and Technology: Collected Essays. Publications of the Center for medieval and Renaissance studies, UCLA, 13. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1978.<br />
___________. Medieval Technology and Social Change. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962.</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3936Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T18:02:01Z<p>Samhan: /* The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots */</p>
<hr />
<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), which wrought an interesting relationship with theology, and in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would take on various forms after the Middle Ages most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). [[Image:Manraycompass1920.jpg |thumb|"The Compass"(1920)by Man Ray]]<br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===<br />
[[Image:Compasschin.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle]]<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
<br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
<br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
<br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1)magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
<br />
(2)the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
<br />
(3)the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
<br />
(4)the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). [[Image:32pointcompass.jpg|thumb|32 Point Compass with Rose]]<br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [[Image:primitive_navigation.jpg|thumb|A dramatization of primitive navigation]] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [[Image:Celestial_navigation.jpg|thumb|Celestial Navigation]]<br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects.[[Image:Quadrant.jpg|thumb|Quadrant]] The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [[Image:Crossstaff.jpg|thumb|Cross Staff]] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
[[Image:Coppa.jpg|thumb|The Coppa Tarantina]]<br />
<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map (see [[Marine Chronometer]] ; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology.[[Image:Orbisptolemaei.jpg|thumb|Ptolemaic Map]]<br />
<br />
=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
<br />
=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
<br />
The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
<br />
=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
<br />
=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
<br />
Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
<br />
=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
<br />
(1)Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
<br />
(2)Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
<br />
(3)Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
<br />
For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion.<br />
<br />
== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
<br />
“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
<br />
== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
<br />
This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
<br />
== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
Frake, Charles O. "Cognitive Maps of Time and Tide Among Medieval Seafarers," Man, New Series, Vol. 20, No. 2. (Jun., 1985), pp. 254-270.<br />
<br />
Gies, Frances, and Joseph Gies. Cathedral, Forge, and Waterwheel: Technology and Invention in the Middle Ages. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1994.<br />
<br />
Lane, Fredric C. "The Economic Meaning of the Invention of the Compass," The American Historical Review, Vol. 68, No. 3. (Apr.,1963), pp. 605-617.<br />
<br />
Law,John. "On the Methods of Long Distance Control: Vessels, Navigation, and the Portuguese Route to India," published by the Centre for Science Studies, Lancaster University, Lancaster LA1 4YN, at http://www.comp.lancs.ac.uk/sociology/papers/Law-Methods-of-Long-DIstance-Control.pdf<br />
<br />
Kreutz, Barbara. "Mediterranean Contributions to the Medieval Mariner's Compass,"Technology and Culture, Vol. 14, No. 3. (Jul., 1973), pp.367-383.<br />
<br />
Taylor, E.G.R. " The Early Navigator," The Geographical Journal, Vol. 113. (Jan. - Jun., 1949), pp. 58-61.<br />
______________."The South-Pointing Needle," Imago Mundi, Vol. 8. (1951), pp. 1-7.<br />
<br />
White, Lynn. Medieval Religion and Technology: Collected Essays. Publications of the Center for medieval and Renaissance studies, UCLA, 13. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1978.<br />
___________. Medieval Technology and Social Change. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962.</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3935Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T18:00:15Z<p>Samhan: /* Design and Description */</p>
<hr />
<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), which wrought an interesting relationship with theology, and in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would take on various forms after the Middle Ages most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). [[Image:Manraycompass1920.jpg |thumb|"The Compass"(1920)by Man Ray]]<br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===[[Image:Compasschin.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle]]<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
<br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
<br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
<br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1)magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
<br />
(2)the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
<br />
(3)the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
<br />
(4)the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). [[Image:32pointcompass.jpg|thumb|32 Point Compass with Rose]]<br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [[Image:primitive_navigation.jpg|thumb|A dramatization of primitive navigation]] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [[Image:Celestial_navigation.jpg|thumb|Celestial Navigation]]<br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects.[[Image:Quadrant.jpg|thumb|Quadrant]] The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [[Image:Crossstaff.jpg|thumb|Cross Staff]] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
[[Image:Coppa.jpg|thumb|The Coppa Tarantina]]<br />
<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map (see [[Marine Chronometer]] ; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology.[[Image:Orbisptolemaei.jpg|thumb|Ptolemaic Map]]<br />
<br />
=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
<br />
=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
<br />
The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
<br />
=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
<br />
=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
<br />
Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
<br />
=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
<br />
(1)Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
<br />
(2)Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
<br />
(3)Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
<br />
For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion.<br />
<br />
== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
<br />
“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
<br />
== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
<br />
This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
<br />
== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
Frake, Charles O. "Cognitive Maps of Time and Tide Among Medieval Seafarers," Man, New Series, Vol. 20, No. 2. (Jun., 1985), pp. 254-270.<br />
<br />
Gies, Frances, and Joseph Gies. Cathedral, Forge, and Waterwheel: Technology and Invention in the Middle Ages. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1994.<br />
<br />
Lane, Fredric C. "The Economic Meaning of the Invention of the Compass," The American Historical Review, Vol. 68, No. 3. (Apr.,1963), pp. 605-617.<br />
<br />
Law,John. "On the Methods of Long Distance Control: Vessels, Navigation, and the Portuguese Route to India," published by the Centre for Science Studies, Lancaster University, Lancaster LA1 4YN, at http://www.comp.lancs.ac.uk/sociology/papers/Law-Methods-of-Long-DIstance-Control.pdf<br />
<br />
Kreutz, Barbara. "Mediterranean Contributions to the Medieval Mariner's Compass,"Technology and Culture, Vol. 14, No. 3. (Jul., 1973), pp.367-383.<br />
<br />
Taylor, E.G.R. " The Early Navigator," The Geographical Journal, Vol. 113. (Jan. - Jun., 1949), pp. 58-61.<br />
______________."The South-Pointing Needle," Imago Mundi, Vol. 8. (1951), pp. 1-7.<br />
<br />
White, Lynn. Medieval Religion and Technology: Collected Essays. Publications of the Center for medieval and Renaissance studies, UCLA, 13. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1978.<br />
___________. Medieval Technology and Social Change. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962.</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3934Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T17:59:51Z<p>Samhan: /* Design and Description */</p>
<hr />
<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), which wrought an interesting relationship with theology, and in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would take on various forms after the Middle Ages most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). [[Image:Manraycompass1920.jpg |thumb|"The Compass"(1920)by Man Ray]]<br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===[[Image:Compasschin.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle]]<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
<br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
<br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
<br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1)magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
(2)the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
(3)the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
(4)the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). [[Image:32pointcompass.jpg|thumb|32 Point Compass with Rose]]<br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [[Image:primitive_navigation.jpg|thumb|A dramatization of primitive navigation]] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [[Image:Celestial_navigation.jpg|thumb|Celestial Navigation]]<br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects.[[Image:Quadrant.jpg|thumb|Quadrant]] The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [[Image:Crossstaff.jpg|thumb|Cross Staff]] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
[[Image:Coppa.jpg|thumb|The Coppa Tarantina]]<br />
<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map (see [[Marine Chronometer]] ; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology.[[Image:Orbisptolemaei.jpg|thumb|Ptolemaic Map]]<br />
<br />
=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
<br />
=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
<br />
The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
<br />
=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
<br />
=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
<br />
Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
<br />
=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
<br />
(1)Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
<br />
(2)Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
<br />
(3)Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
<br />
For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion.<br />
<br />
== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
<br />
“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
<br />
== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
<br />
This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
<br />
== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
Frake, Charles O. "Cognitive Maps of Time and Tide Among Medieval Seafarers," Man, New Series, Vol. 20, No. 2. (Jun., 1985), pp. 254-270.<br />
<br />
Gies, Frances, and Joseph Gies. Cathedral, Forge, and Waterwheel: Technology and Invention in the Middle Ages. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1994.<br />
<br />
Lane, Fredric C. "The Economic Meaning of the Invention of the Compass," The American Historical Review, Vol. 68, No. 3. (Apr.,1963), pp. 605-617.<br />
<br />
Law,John. "On the Methods of Long Distance Control: Vessels, Navigation, and the Portuguese Route to India," published by the Centre for Science Studies, Lancaster University, Lancaster LA1 4YN, at http://www.comp.lancs.ac.uk/sociology/papers/Law-Methods-of-Long-DIstance-Control.pdf<br />
<br />
Kreutz, Barbara. "Mediterranean Contributions to the Medieval Mariner's Compass,"Technology and Culture, Vol. 14, No. 3. (Jul., 1973), pp.367-383.<br />
<br />
Taylor, E.G.R. " The Early Navigator," The Geographical Journal, Vol. 113. (Jan. - Jun., 1949), pp. 58-61.<br />
______________."The South-Pointing Needle," Imago Mundi, Vol. 8. (1951), pp. 1-7.<br />
<br />
White, Lynn. Medieval Religion and Technology: Collected Essays. Publications of the Center for medieval and Renaissance studies, UCLA, 13. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1978.<br />
___________. Medieval Technology and Social Change. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962.</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3933Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T17:58:51Z<p>Samhan: /* Regimentation */</p>
<hr />
<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), which wrought an interesting relationship with theology, and in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would take on various forms after the Middle Ages most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). [[Image:Manraycompass1920.jpg |thumb|"The Compass"(1920)by Man Ray]]<br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===[[Image:Compasschin.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle]]<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1) magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
(2) the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
(3) the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
(4) the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). [[Image:32pointcompass.jpg|thumb|32 Point Compass with Rose]] <br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [[Image:primitive_navigation.jpg|thumb|A dramatization of primitive navigation]] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [[Image:Celestial_navigation.jpg|thumb|Celestial Navigation]]<br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects.[[Image:Quadrant.jpg|thumb|Quadrant]] The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [[Image:Crossstaff.jpg|thumb|Cross Staff]] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
[[Image:Coppa.jpg|thumb|The Coppa Tarantina]]<br />
<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map (see [[Marine Chronometer]] ; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology.[[Image:Orbisptolemaei.jpg|thumb|Ptolemaic Map]]<br />
<br />
=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
<br />
=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
<br />
The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
<br />
=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
<br />
=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
<br />
Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
<br />
=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
<br />
(1)Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
<br />
(2)Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
<br />
(3)Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
<br />
For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion.<br />
<br />
== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
<br />
“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
<br />
== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
<br />
This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
<br />
== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
Frake, Charles O. "Cognitive Maps of Time and Tide Among Medieval Seafarers," Man, New Series, Vol. 20, No. 2. (Jun., 1985), pp. 254-270.<br />
<br />
Gies, Frances, and Joseph Gies. Cathedral, Forge, and Waterwheel: Technology and Invention in the Middle Ages. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1994.<br />
<br />
Lane, Fredric C. "The Economic Meaning of the Invention of the Compass," The American Historical Review, Vol. 68, No. 3. (Apr.,1963), pp. 605-617.<br />
<br />
Law,John. "On the Methods of Long Distance Control: Vessels, Navigation, and the Portuguese Route to India," published by the Centre for Science Studies, Lancaster University, Lancaster LA1 4YN, at http://www.comp.lancs.ac.uk/sociology/papers/Law-Methods-of-Long-DIstance-Control.pdf<br />
<br />
Kreutz, Barbara. "Mediterranean Contributions to the Medieval Mariner's Compass,"Technology and Culture, Vol. 14, No. 3. (Jul., 1973), pp.367-383.<br />
<br />
Taylor, E.G.R. " The Early Navigator," The Geographical Journal, Vol. 113. (Jan. - Jun., 1949), pp. 58-61.<br />
______________."The South-Pointing Needle," Imago Mundi, Vol. 8. (1951), pp. 1-7.<br />
<br />
White, Lynn. Medieval Religion and Technology: Collected Essays. Publications of the Center for medieval and Renaissance studies, UCLA, 13. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1978.<br />
___________. Medieval Technology and Social Change. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962.</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3932Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T17:57:58Z<p>Samhan: </p>
<hr />
<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), which wrought an interesting relationship with theology, and in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would take on various forms after the Middle Ages most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). [[Image:Manraycompass1920.jpg |thumb|"The Compass"(1920)by Man Ray]]<br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===[[Image:Compasschin.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle]]<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1) magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
(2) the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
(3) the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
(4) the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). [[Image:32pointcompass.jpg|thumb|32 Point Compass with Rose]] <br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [[Image:primitive_navigation.jpg|thumb|A dramatization of primitive navigation]] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [[Image:Celestial_navigation.jpg|thumb|Celestial Navigation]]<br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects.[[Image:Quadrant.jpg|thumb|Quadrant]] The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [[Image:Crossstaff.jpg|thumb|Cross Staff]] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
[[Image:Coppa.jpg|thumb|The Coppa Tarantina]]<br />
<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map (see [[Marine Chronometer]] ; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology.[[Image:Orbisptolemaei.jpg|thumb|Ptolemaic Map]]<br />
<br />
=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
<br />
=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
<br />
The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
<br />
=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
<br />
=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
<br />
Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
<br />
=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
<br />
(1) Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
(2) Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
(3) Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
<br />
For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion.<br />
<br />
== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
<br />
“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
<br />
== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
<br />
This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
<br />
== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
Frake, Charles O. "Cognitive Maps of Time and Tide Among Medieval Seafarers," Man, New Series, Vol. 20, No. 2. (Jun., 1985), pp. 254-270.<br />
<br />
Gies, Frances, and Joseph Gies. Cathedral, Forge, and Waterwheel: Technology and Invention in the Middle Ages. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1994.<br />
<br />
Lane, Fredric C. "The Economic Meaning of the Invention of the Compass," The American Historical Review, Vol. 68, No. 3. (Apr.,1963), pp. 605-617.<br />
<br />
Law,John. "On the Methods of Long Distance Control: Vessels, Navigation, and the Portuguese Route to India," published by the Centre for Science Studies, Lancaster University, Lancaster LA1 4YN, at http://www.comp.lancs.ac.uk/sociology/papers/Law-Methods-of-Long-DIstance-Control.pdf<br />
<br />
Kreutz, Barbara. "Mediterranean Contributions to the Medieval Mariner's Compass,"Technology and Culture, Vol. 14, No. 3. (Jul., 1973), pp.367-383.<br />
<br />
Taylor, E.G.R. " The Early Navigator," The Geographical Journal, Vol. 113. (Jan. - Jun., 1949), pp. 58-61.<br />
______________."The South-Pointing Needle," Imago Mundi, Vol. 8. (1951), pp. 1-7.<br />
<br />
White, Lynn. Medieval Religion and Technology: Collected Essays. Publications of the Center for medieval and Renaissance studies, UCLA, 13. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1978.<br />
___________. Medieval Technology and Social Change. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962.</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3924Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T17:42:48Z<p>Samhan: </p>
<hr />
<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), which wrought an interesting relationship with theology, and in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would take on various forms after the Middle Ages most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). [[Image:Manraycompass1920.jpg |thumb|"The Compass"(1920)by Man Ray]]<br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===[[Image:Compasschin.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle]]<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1) magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
(2) the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
(3) the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
(4) the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). [[Image:32pointcompass.jpg|thumb|32 Point Compass with Rose]] <br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [[Image:primitive_navigation.jpg|thumb|A dramatization of primitive navigation]] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [[Image:Celestial_navigation.jpg|thumb|Celestial Navigation]]<br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects.[[Image:Quadrant.jpg|thumb|Quadrant]] The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [[Image:Crossstaff.jpg|thumb|Cross Staff]] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
[[Image:Coppa.jpg|thumb|The Coppa Tarantina]]<br />
<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map (see [[Marine Chronometer]] ; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology.[[Image:Orbisptolemaei.jpg|thumb|Ptolemaic Map]]<br />
<br />
=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
<br />
=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
<br />
The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
<br />
=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
<br />
=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
<br />
Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
<br />
=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
<br />
(1) Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
(2) Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
(3) Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
<br />
For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion.<br />
<br />
== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
<br />
“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
<br />
== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
<br />
This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
<br />
== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3922Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T17:42:03Z<p>Samhan: </p>
<hr />
<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), which wrought an interesting relationship with theology, and in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would take on various forms after the Middle Ages most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). [[Image:Manraycompass1920.jpg |thumb|"The Compass"(1920)by Man Ray]]<br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===[[Image:Compasschin.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle]]<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1) magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
(2) the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
(3) the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
(4) the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). [[Image:32pointcompass.jpg|thumb|32 Point Compass with Rose]] <br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [[Image:primitive_navigation.jpg|thumb|A dramatization of primitive navigation]] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [[Image:Celestial_navigation.jpg|thumb|Celestial Navigation]]<br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects.[[Image:Quadrant.jpg|thumb|Quadrant]] The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [[Image:Crossstaff.jpg|thumb|Cross Staff]] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
[[Image:coppa.jpg|thumb|The Coppa Tarantina]]<br />
<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map (see [[Marine Chronometer]] ; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology.[[Image:Orbisptolemaei.jpg|thumb|Ptolemaic Map]]<br />
<br />
=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
<br />
=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
<br />
The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
<br />
=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
<br />
=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
<br />
Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
<br />
=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
<br />
(1) Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
(2) Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
(3) Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
<br />
For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion.<br />
<br />
== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
<br />
“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
<br />
== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
<br />
This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
<br />
== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3921Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T17:41:17Z<p>Samhan: </p>
<hr />
<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), which wrought an interesting relationship with theology, and in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would take on various forms after the Middle Ages most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). [[Image:Manraycompass1920.jpg |thumb|"The Compass"(1920)by Man Ray]]<br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===[[Image:Compasschin.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle]]<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1) magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
(2) the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
(3) the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
(4) the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). [[Image:32pointcompass.jpg|thumb|32 Point Compass with Rose]] <br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [[Image:primitive_navigation.jpg|thumb|A dramatization of primitive navigation]] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [[Image:Celestial_navigation.jpg|thumb|Celestial Navigation]]<br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects.[[Image:Quadrant.jpg|thumb|Quadrant]] The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [[Image:Crossstaff.jpg|thumb|Cross Staff]] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
[[Image:coppa.jpg|thumb| The Coppa Tarantina]]<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map (see [[Marine Chronometer]] ; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology.[[Image:Orbisptolemaei.jpg|thumb|Ptolemaic Map]]<br />
<br />
=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
<br />
=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
<br />
The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
<br />
=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
<br />
=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
<br />
Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
<br />
=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
<br />
(1) Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
(2) Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
(3) Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
<br />
For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion.<br />
<br />
== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
<br />
“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
<br />
== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
<br />
This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
<br />
== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=File:Coppa.jpg&diff=3920File:Coppa.jpg2008-03-26T17:40:23Z<p>Samhan: </p>
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<div></div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3917Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T17:36:01Z<p>Samhan: </p>
<hr />
<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), which wrought an interesting relationship with theology, and in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would take on various forms after the Middle Ages most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). [[Image:Manraycompass1920.jpg |thumb|"The Compass"(1920)by Man Ray]]<br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===[[Image:Compasschin.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle]]<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1) magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
(2) the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
(3) the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
(4) the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [[Image:primitive_navigation.jpg|thumb|A dramatization of primitive navigation]] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [[Image:Celestial_navigation.jpg|thumb|Celestial Navigation]]<br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects.[[Image:Quadrant.jpg|thumb|Quadrant]] The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [[Image:Crossstaff.jpg|thumb|Cross Staff]] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” [[Image:32pointcompass.jpg|thumb|32 Point Compass with Rose]] It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map (see [[Marine Chronometer]] ; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology.[[Image:Orbisptolemaei.jpg|thumb|Ptolemaic Map]]<br />
<br />
=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
<br />
=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
<br />
The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
<br />
=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
<br />
=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
<br />
Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
<br />
=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
<br />
(1) Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
(2) Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
(3) Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
<br />
For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion.<br />
<br />
== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
<br />
“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
<br />
== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
<br />
This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
<br />
== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3916Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T17:35:19Z<p>Samhan: </p>
<hr />
<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), which wrought an interesting relationship with theology, and in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would take on various forms after the Middle Ages most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). [[Image:Manraycompass1920.jpg |thumb|"The Compass"(1920)by Man Ray]]<br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===[[Image:Compasschin.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle]]<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1) magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
(2) the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
(3) the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
(4) the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [[Image:primitive_navigation.jpg|thumb|A dramatization of primitive navigation]] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [[Image:Celestial_navigation.jpg|thumb|Celestial Navigation]]<br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects.[[Image:Quadrant.jpg|thumb|Quadrant]] The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [[Image:Crossstaff.jpg|thumb|Cross Staff]] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” [[Image:32pointcompass.jpg|thumb|32 Point Compass with Rose]] It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map (see [[Marine Chronometer]] ; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology.[[Image:Orbisptolemaei.jpg|thumb|Ptolemaic Map]]<br />
=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
<br />
=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
<br />
The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
<br />
=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
<br />
=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
<br />
Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
<br />
=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
<br />
(1) Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
(2) Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
(3) Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
<br />
For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion.<br />
<br />
== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
<br />
“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
<br />
== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
<br />
This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
<br />
== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3915Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T17:34:00Z<p>Samhan: </p>
<hr />
<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), which wrought an interesting relationship with theology, and in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would take on various forms after the Middle Ages most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). <br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===[[Image:Compasschin.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle]]<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1) magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
(2) the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
(3) the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
(4) the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [[Image:primitive_navigation.jpg|thumb|A dramatization of primitive navigation]] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [[Image:Celestial_navigation.jpg|thumb|Celestial Navigation]]<br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects.[[Image:Quadrant.jpg|thumb|Quadrant]] The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [[Image:Crossstaff.jpg|thumb|Cross Staff]] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” [[Image:32pointcompass.jpg|thumb|32 Point Compass with Rose]] It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map (see [[Marine Chronometer]] ; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology.[[Image:Orbisptolemaei.jpg|thumb|Ptolemaic Map]]<br />
=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
<br />
=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
<br />
The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
<br />
=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
<br />
=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
<br />
Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
<br />
=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
<br />
(1) Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
(2) Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
(3) Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
<br />
For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion.<br />
<br />
== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
<br />
“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
<br />
== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
<br />
This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
<br />
== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=File:Manraycompass1920.jpg&diff=3913File:Manraycompass1920.jpg2008-03-26T17:29:14Z<p>Samhan: </p>
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<div></div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=File:Orbisptolemaei.jpg&diff=3912File:Orbisptolemaei.jpg2008-03-26T17:28:41Z<p>Samhan: </p>
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<div></div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=File:32pointcompass.jpg&diff=3911File:32pointcompass.jpg2008-03-26T17:27:41Z<p>Samhan: </p>
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<div></div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=File:Godwithcompass.JPG&diff=3910File:Godwithcompass.JPG2008-03-26T17:27:29Z<p>Samhan: </p>
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<div></div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=File:Crossstaff.jpg&diff=3908File:Crossstaff.jpg2008-03-26T17:27:16Z<p>Samhan: </p>
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<div></div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=File:Quadrant.jpg&diff=3907File:Quadrant.jpg2008-03-26T17:26:57Z<p>Samhan: </p>
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<div></div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=File:Celestial_navigation.jpg&diff=3905File:Celestial navigation.jpg2008-03-26T17:25:32Z<p>Samhan: </p>
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<div></div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3904Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T17:23:53Z<p>Samhan: /* The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem */</p>
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<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), which wrought an interesting relationship with theology, and in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would take on various forms after the Middle Ages most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). <br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===[[Image:Compasschin.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle]]<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1) magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
(2) the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
(3) the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
(4) the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [[Image:primitive_navigation.jpg|thumb|A dramatization of primitive navigation]] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [PICTURE] <br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects. The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [PICTURE] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” [PICTURE] It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies, ). <br />
<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology. [PICTURE]<br />
<br />
=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
<br />
=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
<br />
The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
<br />
=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
<br />
=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
<br />
Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
<br />
=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
<br />
(1) Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
(2) Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
(3) Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
<br />
For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion.<br />
<br />
== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
<br />
“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
<br />
== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
<br />
This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
<br />
== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3902Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T17:23:05Z<p>Samhan: </p>
<hr />
<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), which wrought an interesting relationship with theology, and in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would take on various forms after the Middle Ages most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). <br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===[[Image:Compasschin.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle]]<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1) magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
(2) the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
(3) the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
(4) the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [[Image:primitive_navigation.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle]] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [PICTURE] <br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects. The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [PICTURE] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” [PICTURE] It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies, ). <br />
<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology. [PICTURE]<br />
<br />
=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
<br />
=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
<br />
The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
<br />
=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
<br />
=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
<br />
Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
<br />
=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
<br />
(1) Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
(2) Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
(3) Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
<br />
For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion. <br />
<br />
== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
<br />
“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
<br />
== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
<br />
This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
<br />
== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=File:Primitive_navigation.jpg&diff=3899File:Primitive navigation.jpg2008-03-26T17:20:49Z<p>Samhan: </p>
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<div></div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3895Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T17:19:03Z<p>Samhan: </p>
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<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), which wrought an interesting relationship with theology, and in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would take on various forms after the Middle Ages most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). <br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===[[Image:Compasschin.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle http://son.nasa.gov/tass/images/compasschin.jpg ]]<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1) magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
(2) the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
(3) the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
(4) the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [PICTURE] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [PICTURE] <br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects. The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [PICTURE] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” [PICTURE] It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies, ). <br />
<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology. [PICTURE]<br />
<br />
=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
<br />
=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
<br />
The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
<br />
=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
<br />
=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
<br />
Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
<br />
=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
<br />
(1) Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
(2) Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
(3) Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
<br />
For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion. <br />
<br />
== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
<br />
“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
<br />
== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
<br />
This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
<br />
== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3893Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T17:18:03Z<p>Samhan: /* The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots */</p>
<hr />
<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), which wrought an interesting relationship with theology, and in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would take on various forms after the Middle Ages most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). <br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===[[Image:Compasschin.jpg|frame|South-Pointing Needle]]<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1) magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
(2) the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
(3) the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
(4) the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [PICTURE] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [PICTURE] <br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects. The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [PICTURE] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” [PICTURE] It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies, ). <br />
<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology. [PICTURE]<br />
<br />
=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
<br />
=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
<br />
The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
<br />
=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
<br />
=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
<br />
Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
<br />
=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
<br />
(1) Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
(2) Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
(3) Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
<br />
For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion. <br />
<br />
== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
<br />
“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
<br />
== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
<br />
This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
<br />
== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=Medieval_Mariner%27s_Compass&diff=3890Medieval Mariner's Compass2008-03-26T17:14:44Z<p>Samhan: /* The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots */</p>
<hr />
<div>The mariner’s compass is a navigational instrument utilized by various seafarers from at least the Middle Ages up until the mass reception of navigational radar in the mid-20th century. In its most rudimentary form, it consists of a magnetic needle attached to a wind rose or compass card in such a manner that when placed on a pivot in a box fastened in line with the keel of a ship the card would turn as the ship changed directions, indicating always what course the ship was on in relation to North, since the needle would point in that direction, at least in the European version. Functionally, the compass did not remain in the water, used only by a specialized class of navigators; it slowly moved landward, later developed as the pocket compass for hiking and camping. Though there has been much historical contention regarding the origins of the compass, it remains clear that it is one of the first technologies to harness and instrumentalize magnetic energy. In addition, the mariner’s compass also serves as the beginnings of the rise of secularity and empirical science (especially experimentation through the figure of Franciscan monk Roger Bacon), which wrought an interesting relationship with theology, and in particular a certain form of mathematical knowledge: geometric and trigonometric. Socio-historically, the compass, as Frederic Lane rightly notes, constitutes one node of the conditions of possibility for the colonial Europeanization of the non-Western world, allowing for ships and navigators to venture farther into what was then “uncharted waters.” Though the compass would take on various forms after the Middle Ages most recently radar and GPS (global positioning system), this dossier will be concerned mostly on the specific developments during the Middle Ages (though this historical period itself is fraught with ontological and epistemological slippages). <br />
<br />
<br />
== The Early Compass ==<br />
=== The (Ur-) Compass’ Chinese Roots ===<br />
The compass, as it is conceived of today, has its immediate roots in the Middle Ages. Yet, for medieval historians of technology, it has been fodder for debate, especially as its “true” origins have been quite difficult to verify with historical evidence. Yet, almost all medievalists understand the compass to have Chinese roots. By 83 AD, the Han Dynasty had been utilizing magnetism for geomancy—the divination of land and topography, with a technology referred to as the “the south-pointing spoon.” [[Image:Compasschin.jpg]]] The process of magnetizing metals was simply to rub the metal with a lodestone, a variation of magnetite. And by 8th century AD, various textual sources suggest that Chinese sailors and navigators were utilizing the earliest version of the compass for navigation, what the scholar Barbara Kruetz calls the “ur-compass,” which consisted of a magnetized needle, floating in a bowl of water or hanging from a thread (Gies and Gies). And perhaps, most significantly, unlike the compasses of today, that finds its technological ancestors in Europe, the magnetized needle on this version of the compass pointed south.<br />
<br />
== Arrival in Europe ==<br />
As mentioned above, there have been various claims made about the geographic origins of the compass. Though tentative, there is one fact that medievalists do agree on: the ur-compass originates in China. What was up for debate was how the compass had arrived in Europe. Did it come over water form European or Chinese sailors? Did it come from intermediary Arab sailors who had brought the technology from the Far East? It is now agreed upon that the compass arrived in Europe through the Silk Road in its prototypical Chinese form, which primarily served an astronomical-astrological function. One of the first mentions of the mariner’s compass in Western literature is Alexander Neckham’s De Naturis Rerum (On the natures of things) written in 1190 (Gies and Gies). In 1205, Guyot de Provins, a monk, mentions a magnetized needle in a satirical poem called La Bible de Guyot de Provins. Yet, it is not until the writings of Franciscan friar and philosopher Roger Bacon’s friend Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt’s 1269 monograph Epistola Petri Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum de Foucaucourt, militem, de magnete (better known as Epistola de magnete) that we see the mariner’s compass represented in its “dry” form; that is, a step beyond the water in the bowl beginnings. <br />
<br />
== Design and Description ==<br />
The mariner’s compass cannot be said to have a singular crucial technical element since its history of development shows an assemblaging of various technologies which preceded its coming-together. With the ur-compass (needle in the bowl), the directional information provided to the navigator was almost null and void since there was very little frame of reference for the navigator to orient the ship. Hence, there were various transformations to the design and development of the compass from the ur-compass to the mariner’s compass, which not only delineates North but also helps locate the ship’s position. As significant the harnessing of magnetic energy was, the magnetic needle itself would have no informational value without the addition of the compass-card. The mariner’s compass is not so much then a technology as it is a multiplicity of technologies. <br />
<br />
Frederic Lane suggests a 4-stage developmental model of the compass: <br />
<br />
(1) Posing of the problem <br />
(2) Assemblage of the elements of a solution <br />
(3) The “break through” <br />
(4) Critical revision and solution<br />
*stages 3 and 4 usually go hand in hand <br />
<br />
Using this model, he explains the development of the compass as follows: <br />
<br />
(1) magnetized needle in a bowl<br />
(2) the division of the horizon into thirty-two or more points and various ways of mounting the needle so that it could swing freely and yet come to rest, even on the deck of a ship at sea<br />
(3) the attachment of the compass rose to the needle, which may have already been in practice at sea<br />
(4) the form taken by the break through—(3)—which related in a practical way the direction of a free-swinging needle, the wind rose with thirty-two or sixty-four points, and the course of the ship<br />
Though Lane’s model is useful, it posits a linear teleology that does not take into account the various divergences and conflicts that went into the formation of the compass. Additionally, Lane privileges functionality over various other properties of the compass. For example, Lane would consider the azimuth a “crucial revision and solution” – (4) —since the earliest navigators who used the compass found out very quickly that the magnetic needle could not always reliably point north due to the fact that there is magnetic variation throughout the Earth’s surface; hence the innovation of the azimuth compass which allowed for checking the ship’s bearing. But another development in the compass, such as that of the self-contained compass, cannot readily be explained by Lane’s model, since so much of the historiography of the compass is through medieval texts, whose publishing dates are unreliable since some manuscripts were not published decades after their completion. Furthermore, because of its pre-Gutenberg galaxy, medieval texts cannot for certain be assumed to be widely distributed or even read, and hence influential among navigators. A self-contained compass was available by 1300, documented in Francesco da Barberino’s Documenta d’Amore (1300), which distinguishes two categories of compass—the needle and bowl and the pyx. The pyx is described by Barberino as a “small round box of the sort that has a needle under glass; then, in case of shipwreck, you can tell even under water which way is north, and thus find your way to the shore” (Kreutz, 374). Despite Barberino’s mentioning of a self-contained compass in 1300, the text mentioned above by Peter Peregrinus of Maricourt had an accompanying diagram with 360 degrees, and both a pivoted transparent rule with upright spikes at either end and a magnetized, transverse needle-like wire stretched across its face. Lastly, a major improvement in the functioning of the compass came in the form of what is called the Cardan or “dry” suspension, which kept the magnetic needle in horizontal equilibrium (Gies and Gies). <br />
<br />
== The Compass’ Impact on Navigation Or, Solving the Self-Location Problem ==<br />
As E.G.R. Taylor suggests, the compass had ramifications for navigation, which in turn would have major impact socially (scroll down to Social/Political Processes section). For him, the compass represents a shift from one method of navigation to another, that is, from “improper” to “proper.” By the former, Taylor means the “method of navigation employed in conducting a vessel, with no other helps than the sounding lead and the familiar landmarks coupled with Master’s knowledge of wind and sky.” Hence, by the latter, he means “instrumental navigation, navigation by the chart, navigation across vast oceans.”<br />
<br />
=== Improper Navigation ===<br />
Improper navigation was in many ways an astronomical science, as Draper argues. [PICTURE] It was based on a Ptolemaic worldmap that considered the universe as a set of concentric spheres, with earth at its center. However wrong this was, the Ptolemaic map did have cross-hatches that were earliest forms of what we would consider longitude and latitude, though these lines were not curvilinear as yet the spherical nature of the earth did not emerge. Draper describes the process as such: <br />
“In effect, the stars were found to act as points in a knowable space located at a great distance from the earth. The sun, the moon, and the planets did not appear to be fixed in this space, but followed paths that reduced their usefulness for the purposes of guidance. On clear nights, the star Polaris showed the direction of north and provided information on latitude by its angle above the horizon. Other stars with known positions in the pattern of the celestial sphere were also used, but celestial navigation remained an incomplete art for many centuries. The principal reason for this imperfection was the earth's rotation, which made it impossible to determine the angular position of the earth with respect to the stars. Without good information on this position, estimates of longitude necessarily remained of low quality.” (Draper, 113-114). <br />
<br />
=== Proper (Instrumental) Navigation ===<br />
Furthermore, Taylor notes that instrumental navigation necessarily includes technical interoperability. Not only did mariner’s compass comprise of various preceding technologies, in adherence to McLuhan’s dictum regarding old and new media, but also operated in concert with various other, exogenous technologies. Perhaps it is unwise to even speak in such a register of inside/outside or endo-/exogeneous in reference to the mariner’s compass since it was a single fold in a vast assemblage of navigational technologies, with certain properties remediating while others are left to become dead media. Standing figures in this ecology of the technologies of instrumental navigation included the compass-card (or wind-rose), the maritime chart (portolan), the astrolabe, the quadrant and the cross-staff. Below is a brief description of each: <br />
<br />
The astrolabe was a brass ring used to measure angles and degrees that would hang from a rope to determine the ship’s angle of direction. [PICTURE] <br />
<br />
The quadrant (or Davis quadrant) was a mapping instrument that allowed navigators to measure the altitude of certain astronomical objects. The cross-staff was a related instrument that allowed for the navigator to measure latitude through the altitude of either the North Star or Sun, obtained via the quadrant. [PICTURE] As mentioned already, the portolan or maritime chart is most likely to have been adopted widely by mariners in the 13th-14th centuries, mostly in the Mediterranean. As many scholars note, Fernand Braudel being the most noteworthy, the Mediterranean was where the most navigational developments—technological and technical—occurred as it was where strategically the most mercantile activity occurred. Hence, the portolans acted as a proto-open source log, whereby “experienced sailors compile[d] sailing directions that described coastlines and specified bearings and distances between points so that skippers unfamiliar with a given shipping route could benefit. In the late 13th or early 14th century, someone had an insight: such information imposed on the whole Mediterranean, one with a center just west of Sardinia, the other with a center on the Ionian coast north of Rhodes” (Gies and Gies, 223-224). <br />
<br />
The compass-card or wind-rose was first incorporated by the sailors of Amalfi, remediating the ancient fleur-de-lis—“The Rose of the Winds.” [PICTURE] It is “a circular card furnished with 32 points of the compass and positioned directly beneath the free-swinging magnetized needle on a dry-pivot, allowing the helmsman to read the ship’s course—in points, not degrees, since 32 point system was incompatible with the 360 degrees of astronomer’s circle” (Gies and Gies, ). <br />
<br />
According to Barbara Kreutz, the wind-rose has its roots in divination. She argues that the earliest compass-rose is said to have had 16 directional divisions. This is curious because the Rose of Winds reflects the traditional wind system, which had only 12 divisions. Following Bacchisio Motzo, Kreutz argues that the ur-compass (needle and bowl) was not used a navigational instrument but rather as a conjurer’s trick (Kreutz, 378). She makes this argument with using Motzo’s observation that Etruscans in the early-Middle Ages divided the horizon into 16 divisions. The Coppa Tarantina, as pictured here, is the iconographic merging of the Ptolemaic world-map; hence the compass-rose is demonstrative of the wedding of the Greek and Egyptian mythology. [PICTURE]<br />
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=== The Problem of Self-Location ===<br />
What weaves together the improper and proper navigational modalities is that the compass is necessarily an interface of self-location. More simply, the compass comes about to solve the problematic of what Niklas Luhmann refers to as “self-reference” or reflexivity. Or perhaps to put it yet another way, it is the beginnings of perspective as understood in the concept of worldview [Weltanschauung], which would notably emerge centuries later. Worldview is not simply an outlook but a wide world view or a global view. Despite the elementary school poems regarding Columbus having to prove that world was indeed not flat, the compass tells us that “the global” was not a concept that emerged in the wake of World War II as many commentators have recently suggested. But in fact the compass was a medieval global interface, a crude feedback technology that allowed for the voyaging of a “known unknown” as Kant would put it. From this perspective though Heidegger may seem to have too strongly periodized the “opening of spheres” with the emergence of modern physics, it seems as if his point regarding the world-picture is nevertheless valid when looking at the compass and medieval navigation in general. In an ever expanding universe (to which the development of science played a major role), the world needed to be constituted through the primary perspective of man. And in this way we may wish to correct or amend Heidegger’s dictum: “Man becomes the relational center of that which is as such” to “European man becomes the relational center of that which is as such.” <br />
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=== The Ramon Lull System ===<br />
Whether the compass-rose was indeed a remnant of tribal European cultures, the technical assemblage of the mariner's compass by the mid-14th century was influencing a new method of navigation that emphasized the use of instruments and scientific, astronomical knowledge as opposed to some sort of metaphysical "mastery" by the seaman. The system refers to Ramon Lull, a 13th century Catalan scholar, who in his Introductorium Mange Artis Generalis: Arbor Scientiae describes "a ship's navigator establishing his position in relation to his course through the use of the needle in conjunction with charts and mathematical tables—far more sophisticated use for the needle than mere orientation" (Kreutz, 371). <br />
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The Lull system, as instrumental navigation is usually referred to, is also an early instance of technical interoperability, much as the World Wide Web is the condition of interoperability for various media devices today. By late 15th century, magnetic compass is developed fully matured navigational instrument. Many of the “bugs and kinks” had been already worked out. For example, the fact that the needle did not point exactly north (caused by magnetic variation in different geological environments) had been duly noted and allowed for. Simplified versions of the astrolabe and its variant, the quadrant, measured the angles of the two Guardians in relation to the North Star; the resulting data used in conjunction with tables gave latitude within about twenty-five miles (Gies and Gies 278). <br />
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=== The King John II System ===<br />
In 1484, King John II of Portugal appointed a commission of astronomers, geographers, mathematicians and mapmakers to, as John Law describes, “of finding a method for navigating outside European waters” (Law, 9). Hence the group studied the problem of declination of the sun and made tables to be used at sea in conjunction with the astrolabe and quadrant; by determining the sun’s height at midday and consulting the tables, sailors could ascertain latitude. The findings of the group were compiled in the Regimento do Astralbio et do Quadrante (1495). A new navigation technique was born: the skipper first sought the correct latitude for a certain port or point of land, then ran along the line of latitude to his target destination. “This new navigation hinged around the determination of the latitude by means of solar or stellar observation, a method particularly appropriate for journeys that were mainly in a northerly or southerly direction, such as those undertaken by the Portuguese. This was because it depended upon sailing north or south until the vessel reached the same latitude as its destination” (Law, 9). The King John II Commission, by Law’s estimation, is “one of the earliest successful practical applications of scientific knowledge” (Ibid.). <br />
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=== Standing-Reserve ===<br />
The compass is not simply a neutral innovation of navigation but demonstrative of the pre-history of instrumentalization of nature, which Heidegger later dubs as “standing-reserve” [Bestand]. The transformation of nature into energy is demonstrated on several levels with the compass. First, magnetic energy is converted for human use even in the ur-compass, as the magnetic needle was the result of rubbing iron with lodestone. Secondarily (though perhaps primary in its significance for the navigational enterprise), the compass was the means by which winds and tides could be measured, predicted and ultimately harnessed for the purposes of transport. As many recovered portolan charts—navigation charts made of animal skin containing notes of past voyages and maps developed in the 13th and 14th centuries—would indicate, one of the major hindrances to sea travel was unpredictability of winds. <br />
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Additionally, for many medieval navigators the shortness of the sailing season allowed for roughly one voyage a year. The short days and generally poor visibility of the winter months made for short, infrequent voyages. As the historian Frederic Lane suggests, the chief “economic meaning” of the compass was the extension of the sailing season in the Mediterranean, venturing so far as to say that the compass was “initially a means of countering overcast” (Lane, 607). Whether this is true or not, the compass did facilitate more voyages per year in the Mediterranean. Lane writes: “In transportation between Venice and the Levant, for example, being at sea in winter months made all the difference between two voyages a year instead of one. It enabled ships to transport twice as much each year and keep crews more continually employed. In regard to the Levantine voyages in general, it may be said that starting the spring voyages before winter was over and letting the fall voyages run into December gave sailors more favorable winds. That same schedule was selected again when convoys were established late in the seventeenth century” (Lane, 608-609). <br />
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=== Regimentation ===<br />
Interestingly, Law emphasizes one major element of the King John II Commission—that of the regimentation or training of mariners. After the commission’s Regimento was published, there emerged a “discipline” of navigation founded on three sets of rules (Law, 10): <br />
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(1) Regiment of the North, which tells how to measure the altitude of the Pole Star and then convert this into the latitude<br />
(2) Rule for Raising the Pole, which told the navigator how far he had to sail on any course in order to raise one degree, and how far east or west he had sailed in doing so. This rule was the product of elementary trigonometry.<br />
(3) Regiment of the Sun, which tackled the difficult problem of guiding the navigator through a solar fix to a determination of the latitude. This was complicated, or at least it was more complicated than the analogous Regiment of the North, because of the daily variation of the declination of the sun and the consequent necessity to consult tables in order to determine the latter.<br />
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For Law, these sets of rules are indicative of a new regime of navigational knowledge that prefigures the specialization of modern labor processes. “The new navigation,” he writes, “did not depend upon the mariner being able to 'pick it up' by himself. The simple rules, the simple data and the simple instruments were supplemented by systematic training, at least from the turn of the sixteenth century” (Law, 10). Specifically, the parallel development of the regimentation of navigational knowledge and technical innovation resulted in the Portuguese imperial domination of the 15th and 16th centuries, which Law calls “long-distance control,” the very pre-condition for European colonial expansion. <br />
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== European Expansion ==<br />
In following Charles Draper, the Ramon Lull and King John II Commission systems of navigation were early moves towards a revolution in “knowable space” (Draper, 113). Knowable space has dual meaning. On one hand, it signals a movement away from the strict theological dogma. On the other, or more precisely in turn, it demonstrated a move towards another type of modality of specifically Western knowledge—that of the non-Western world. Hence, Law’s concern is not so much about “social control” in the traditional sociological sense but in “managing long-distance control,” (Law, 2) in which navigational technologies like the compass figured quite prominently. <br />
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“During that medieval millennium, Europe left the world of Rome far behind, while overtaking China and India. The rising technological level of medieval Europe is reflected in the improvement of daily life and work: from slave labor to free labor, from human drudgery to animal power and waterpower; from luxury handicrafts to mass production for mass markets.” (Gies and Gies, 286-287)<br />
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== The Compass in Secularity ==<br />
Philosopher Charles Taylor in A Secular Age offers a tri-partite typology of secularity, breaking them down as "secularity 1" (retreat of religion in public life); "secularity 2" (decline in belief and practice) and "secularity 3" (the change in the conditions of belief) (Taylor, 423). If we are to use Taylor's model, then the compass comes as coincident with secularity 2 and 3, as it was representative of a transformation of knowledge and knowledge-production during the longue duree of the Middle Ages. To be sure, the common-sense understanding of medieval religious life projects an image of utmost piety and belief (for the late-Middle Ages) and alchemistic magic (for the early-Middle Ages). To say the least, this view is limited in its conceptualization of both belief and piety (See WC Smith). <br />
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This multitextured reality of social life in the Middle Ages is demonstrated by the development of the compass, which, according to Gies and Gies, represents the shift from magic to science. Interestingly enough, the famous case of Galileo, for example, who was attacked viciously by the Church, is not wholly representative of the medieval Church’s relationship to science. Gies and Gies give an alternative account of Catholic theology as supportive of technological advancement. Certain technologies that produced Nature “at-hand” was well in line with the theological view of God and humans as sharing transcendence. There are images of God as steward or mason, during these times. And even in the 6th century, the Benedictine rule created a convergence of heretofore separate theological concepts—labor and piety. (This of course finds a more fervent articulation in radical Protestant reform movements such as Calvinism later.) What this represents, George Ovitt argues, is an “ethic of appropriation” that emerges in a cluster of theologians that emphasize the post-lapsarian view of man as holding power over the natural world. He names Tertullian, Augustine, Bede and Aquinas as representative thinkers in this movement; but the persona classicus of this line of thought is Roger Bacon who argued that the “practical arts” [Kraft] gave man power over the world. <br />
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== Rise of Mathematical Knowledge == <br />
The compass and instrumental navigation more generally was active in the waning of medieval “science” for a proto-Enlightenment empirical science. Bacon was of course one of the first proponents of the experimental method. But more to the point, the regimentation of navigational knowledge that Law speaks of is at once the rise of mathematical knowledge (specifically geometry and trigonometry) and the “massification” of it as well. It is worth repeating the point that the new form of navigation instantiated by the King John II commission wrought a new regime of navigational training. Instrumental navigation meant that pilots must master some mathematics, including the degrees of the circle instead of merely the compass points. This is best seen in the transformation of the compass-card, which were marked out by points before they were marked out in degrees. The “point” to “degree” shift is the actualization of the waning of astronomic knowledge to trigonometric knowledge. As Gies and Gies note, by mid-14th century new navigation is widely used and trigonometry is being developed in universities and being applied to navigation, giving the possibility of global voyages and unlimited voyagers. We not only exhibit the rise of scientific knowledge but the beginnings of its institutionalization as practical arts, what we now call “applied sciences.”</div>Samhanhttp://www.cultureandcommunication.org/deadmedia/index.php?title=File:Compasschin.jpg&diff=3888File:Compasschin.jpg2008-03-26T17:13:15Z<p>Samhan: </p>
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<div></div>Samhan